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Subversive Performances, Masculine Pleasures<br />

the general body make one of their number unhappy by glancing meaningfully at a new<br />

coat that he has got on and telling him that “it fits him too much” that it is “like a ready<br />

made shirt, fits where it touches” and much more to the same disheartening effect. 52<br />

Saturday nights and Sundays, for Wright, presented the one opportunity for the<br />

display of more individual tastes without risk of censure, though his own preferences<br />

appeared to lie with the functional grace of work dress. The contrast between<br />

the two modes was significant. Thus<br />

When the workmen, with newly washed hands and their shop jackets or slops rolled up<br />

under their arms, stand in groups waiting for the ringing of the bell, it is a sight well<br />

worth seeing, and one in which the working man is, all things considered, perhaps<br />

seen at his best. He is in good humour with himself . . . in his working clothes, in which<br />

he feels and moves at ease, and not infrequently looks a nobler fellow than when<br />

“cleaned” . . . Some of the higher paid mechanics present a very different appearance<br />

when cleaned up . . . working class swelldom breaks out for the short time in which it is<br />

permitted to do so in all the butterfly brilliance of “fashionably” made clothes, with<br />

splendid accessories in collars, scarves and cheap jewellery. But neither the will or the<br />

means to “come the swell” are given to all men, and a favourite Saturday evening<br />

costume consists of the clean moleskin or cord trousers that are to be worn at work during<br />

the ensuing week, black coat and waistcoat, a cap of somewhat sporting character, and a<br />

muffler more or less gaudy. 53<br />

For Paterson, writing after the turn of the century, the ritual transformation from<br />

work to pleasure retained its drama when he observed that<br />

the programme of spare hours begins almost invariably with tea in the kitchen, a wash at<br />

the tap in the yard, and the putting on of a collar and another coat. The exact order of the<br />

preparation varies, but it is quite clear that the washing and dressing is not in honour of<br />

the tea . . . but a tribute to the publicity of the street . . . Percy’s working clothes are old<br />

and worn, bespattered with mud and oil; hence the efflorescence of bright ties and new<br />

suits. 54<br />

Surviving images of working-class groups, assembled for a Whitsun outing, or<br />

even posing unawares on street corners, sporting bowlers and tight suits with a<br />

jaunty pride, gain a further resonance from their juxtaposition with documentary<br />

and literary evidence, which provide nuances that graphic or photographic<br />

representations themselves can no longer convey. From simple visual comparisons<br />

of middle-class and working-class clothing, the mechanic’s “Sunday best”<br />

suggests only a clumsy emulation of bourgeois conservative respectability.<br />

Contemporary attitudes reveal a more studied and critical negotiation of gendered<br />

273

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