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Christopher S. Thompson<br />

racing careers into their own café or cycle shop. Nicknamed “workers of the pedal”<br />

(ouvriers de la pédale), cycle racers were the first unskilled laborers to turn their<br />

physical capital (strength and endurance) into socioeconomic success (fame and<br />

fortune), thereby challenging the bourgeois social hierarchy which was founded<br />

on intellectual and social capital (education and relations).<br />

Not all middle-class observers took such a dim view of the social implications<br />

of the democratizing bicycle. Rejecting its portrayal as a symptom and agent of<br />

social chaos and racial degeneration, 30 they claimed that the new machine offered<br />

at least a partial solution to the ongoing challenge of improving the lot of French<br />

working-class families and thereby reducing class tensions. This inexpensive,<br />

rapid mode of locomotion would decrease expenditures in the family budget,<br />

reinforce family unity, and improve personal hygiene by encouraging showers<br />

after a ride. The bicycle would also allow working-class families to move from<br />

their squalid, inner-city lodgings to less polluted suburbs, far from cabarets<br />

and cafés where the male head of household too often forgot his familial obligations<br />

and succumbed to alcoholism, tuberculosis, gambling, tobacco, and loose<br />

women. 31 The new sport led to “very moral distractions,” 32 allowing French youth<br />

to sublimate their passions and avoid precocious sexual activity while enhancing<br />

their health in the pure air of the outdoors: “is it not better to get intoxicated by<br />

the bicycle, than by tobacco, wine and love?” 33 Cycling fostered courage, prompt<br />

judgment, sobriety, initiative, self-confidence, and persistence; 34 it was “the great<br />

school of our character . . . hygienic not only for our flesh, but also for our<br />

minds.” 35 Such hyperbolic claims suggest that for bourgeois commentators the<br />

stakes were high indeed.<br />

The Citizen-Cyclist: Cycling Clubs and Social Integration<br />

The challenge for middle-class bicycle enthusiasts, social and economic elites, and<br />

government officials was to monitor male, lower-class cyclists and reorient their<br />

energies, too often expended in morally and physically harmful – and therefore<br />

socially dangerous – environments and activities. Their search for a socially safe<br />

framework for lower-class cycling led them to promote and seek to control local<br />

cycling clubs. Their hope that these clubs would play a stabilizing social role raises<br />

a number of questions. Who were the members of these clubs? How did these clubs<br />

operate? What activities did they provide? And were efforts to control the<br />

expanding leisure opportunities of lower-class males successful in this instance?<br />

The first French cycling clubs were founded in the final years of the Second<br />

Empire, but their creation stalled until around 1880. During the next three decades,<br />

however, the increase was spectacular: in 1910, there were 800 cycling clubs with<br />

a total of some 150,000 members. Areas of high concentration of bicycles included<br />

136

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