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Rudy Koshar<br />

as the impact of radio (in the 1930s) or television (in the 1950s) in the home. But<br />

it is not only an issue of the passivity with which moderns reacted to the penetration<br />

of technology or mass media in their private lives. In Europe and North<br />

America, the 1950s and 1960s saw an increase in the “do-it-yourself” movement,<br />

which included gardening, woodworking, and the like, but also included much<br />

popular technology, especially among people who built their own radios, or<br />

worked on cars. In many parts of the United States after World War II, but also in<br />

Europe, entire subcultures grew up around the appropriation and modification of<br />

automotive technologies. 50 This history continues, of course, and now includes a<br />

transnational dimension even more pronounced than in earlier decades of the<br />

twentieth century. For example, “tuning culture” began in Japan in the 1960s but<br />

soon made its way into the United States, first on the West Coast but then in other<br />

parts of the country. It includes automotive shops, magazines, websites, and<br />

countless social interactions among young men (and not a few women) who<br />

customize, display, and race Hondas, Acuras, Toyotas, Nissans, and other Asian<br />

automobiles. This is a rich – and massively overlooked – chapter in the history of<br />

social assertion over technologies in daily life.<br />

Questions of passivity or agency go directly to the problem of the history of<br />

experience and emotion. How people experience leisure time has much to do with<br />

the meanings they derive, the memories they preserve, and the anticipation with<br />

which they approach the future. Recently, scholars of modern German history have<br />

called for closer attention to how the history of pleasure weaves itself through the<br />

violence of the twentieth century. This issue derives much of its moral energy not<br />

only from the history of genocide but also from the extraordinary bifurcation of<br />

German history in the twentieth century between an age of war and an age of<br />

unprecedented prosperity. One of the most surprising aspects of an otherwise<br />

deeply troubling memoir of life in Nazi Germany is the record of the Jewish<br />

professor Viktor Klemperer’s experiences with learning how to drive a car, a<br />

subject taken up in my chapter on German driving practices. 51 Klemperer’s<br />

enjoyment of the automobile symbolized a degree of freedom at a moment when<br />

German Jews’ ability to act as normal citizens was being cut away on a daily basis<br />

by the Nazi regime. For the German “Aryan” population, however, the interpenetration<br />

of persecution and pleasure was of a different nature. Regime policies<br />

of persecution and genocide rested in part on the Nazis’ capacity to maintain a<br />

relatively normal standard of living for most of the population, and postwar<br />

economic well-being derived much of its initial energy from the buildup of<br />

industrial capacity under the Nazis. From the demand side, meanwhile, Germans,<br />

supported in part by a tradition of bourgeois self-cultivation, could easily regard<br />

consumption as an important function of identity formation without troubling<br />

themselves about the larger exploitations on which it rested.<br />

20

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