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Nick Prior<br />

differences and thereby reproducing power relations. The Love of Art was<br />

Bourdieu’s initial attempt at an empirically based study of museums which<br />

assaulted Kantian and other essentialist theories of taste which assumed certain a<br />

priori faculties towards aesthetic pleasure. 26 The sensitivity to experience higher<br />

artistic pleasures, a facet that may be experienced by any human being, as Kant<br />

had it, is revealed by Bourdieu as the privilege of those who have access to the<br />

conditions in which “pure” and “disinterested” dispositions are acquired. Hence,<br />

museum visiting is unveiled as a socially differentiated activity resting on the<br />

possession of educational and cultural dispositions towards art practices and<br />

products and, as such, almost the exclusive domain of the cultivated classes.<br />

Cultural competence, for Bourdieu, is a precondition for the classification and<br />

organization of artistic knowledge. Individuals can decipher works of art “aesthetically”<br />

as it were, only if they have a mastery of the codes and systems of<br />

classification which are able to process styles, periods, techniques, and so on.<br />

Repeated contact with high culture via informal and formal education processes<br />

encourages the accumulation of these instruments of appropriation, leading to an<br />

“unconscious mastery” of art and its discourses. Having a “feel for the game”<br />

(sense pratique), or a familiarity with art objects is the outcome of culturally<br />

acquired systems of perception, not something naturally or universally programmed.<br />

However, this sense is expressed in a form which emphasises its natural,<br />

quasi-instinctual and pre-reflexive quality, in the dispositional form of the cultured<br />

habitus, itself an expression of favorable material conditions of existence. 27<br />

Cultural proficiency, then, appears as a gift of natural talent and taste, available<br />

to all on an equal basis. It is not recognized as accumulated outcomes of differential<br />

learning and training, requiring, at least, some distance from material<br />

necessities and leisure time. Members of the initiated classes, from this perspective,<br />

accept as a “gift of nature a cultural heritage which is transmitted by a<br />

process of unconscious training.” 28 The “masters of judgement and taste” appear<br />

as rising above the vagaries of material processes, even though they are definite<br />

products of such processes. Culture, in short, is achieved by negating itself as<br />

culture (i.e., acquired) and presenting itself as nature (or grace).<br />

It is to this extent that the museum and its objects remained the natural<br />

appurtenance of middle-class elites. The museum comprised a “pure” space,<br />

symbolically opposed to the vulgarities of the carnival, where the values of<br />

civilized bourgeois culture were coded and decoded by this class itself. As<br />

Sherman does, we can make sense of a seemingly trivial instance such as the<br />

refusal to give up umbrellas at the doors of nineteenth-century French provincial<br />

museums as an important illustration of the bourgeois urgency to retain the objects<br />

and codes of its distinction. The umbrella was a particularly resonant object of<br />

middle-class apparel, carried even in clement weather. Its shape and possession<br />

codified the habitus and deportment of this class to itself and to others within the<br />

32

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