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Germans at the Wheel<br />

Even so, Hauser insisted on the novelty of the Autowanderer, arguing that her<br />

appearance could be attributed not solely to the Autobahn but also to an important<br />

political transformation. “There could be no real automobile wandering here in<br />

Germany before,” he stated, “because there was no real national community<br />

[Volksgemeinschaft]. This is also part of the concept: a personally felt sense of<br />

social opening, the wanderer’s feeling of resonance not only with the landscape<br />

but also with its people.” 35<br />

By emphasizing automotive travel’s broader cultural resonances, Hauser<br />

implied that a new kind of socially engaged tourism was on the horizon. This idea,<br />

too, was not completely unprecedented, but Hauser’s original view gave the point<br />

a unique twist. When Social Democrats or other left-wing writers advocated<br />

collectivized tourism in the Weimar Republic, they called for working-class<br />

travelers who would look beyond normal tourist sites to focus on labor conditions,<br />

technology, and political history. The politically inflected gaze was to be the<br />

workingman’s answer to bourgeois tourism’s alleged superficialities; it was an<br />

attempt to infuse leisure travel with critical energies rather than only with<br />

consumerist fantasies and “distraction.” It necessitated its own unique set of<br />

markers, symbols, and guidebooks as well as its specific accounts of the relationship<br />

between leisure and power. 36 Hauser did not advocate such critical engagement,<br />

but he was in effect applying the idea of a more focused and socially aware tourism<br />

to automobile travel. In doing so, he reflected on how the automobile could insert<br />

itself into the culture, and how it could be used to realize new connectivities. But<br />

just as nationalist ideology rather than socialist revolution determined his view, it<br />

was the image of individualized automobile travel rather than mass leisure, as<br />

represented by the Nazi cultural organization Strength through Joy (Kraft durch<br />

Freude), 37 that was at the heart of Hauser’s perspective. For Hauser, the Volksgemeinschaft<br />

enabled but also demanded new, more individualized driving<br />

practices, which is to say that the new driving experience went to the heart of both<br />

the state’s claims on its inhabitants as well as the individual’s claims on the state.<br />

Leisure driving was a deeply political issue, filled with nationalist meanings but<br />

also social reciprocities, and it is to this central feature of Hauser’s commentary<br />

that we now turn.<br />

Hauser averred that changes in the design of the car itself had played a constitutive<br />

role in bringing about the new relevance of automobile wandering. Until recently,<br />

the German auto was “incomprehensible to the ordinary person and had a bad<br />

reputation”; it created a “dividing wall between people.” Lacking maneuverability<br />

and speed, ponderous in both body design and engineering, the German automobile<br />

of just a few years ago was “much more bound to the road than it is today,<br />

above all in the minds of the driver.” 38 Hauser’s observation must be viewed<br />

against the backdrop of a larger conversation already going on in German culture<br />

221

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