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Stephen L. Harp<br />

14. Do you have a telegraph number? What is it?<br />

15. What are the sights [curiosités] to be seen in your town? (attach a page)<br />

16. What are the interesting excursions to make nearby? (attach a page) 21<br />

In order to assure the honesty of the hotel owner, two members of the Automobile<br />

Club de France, or if there were no local ACF members, two members of the TCF,<br />

needed to attest to the accuracy of the hotel’s responses.<br />

The questionnaire reveals the centrality of care of the automobile for early<br />

automobile tourists. Electric cars needed to be recharged and drivers of gasolinepowered<br />

cars needed to ensure the supply of gasoline. Before many automobiles<br />

were enclosed, a covered garage was useful, and given the value of cars, a locked<br />

garage a reassurance. Early cars were unreliable enough that a repair pit, a hole in<br />

the floor that allowed one to get underneath the car, might also prove handy.<br />

The other most pressing questions concerned the level of accommodations.<br />

Michelin continued to list the average prices of a room until 1908 and needed to<br />

verify them. At a time when a bathtub was not taken for granted, the company<br />

needed a specific statement that one was present. Tourists’ growing expectations<br />

for hotels centered, however, on the WC. Although specific information about the<br />

WCs in a hotel had not been part of the first Michelin guide or the early TCF<br />

annuaires, WCs were important enough to merit detailed questions by 1902. In<br />

this instance, the red guide reflects the preoccupations of an urban French<br />

bourgeoisie which was increasingly adopting new hygienic standards and bemoaning<br />

the lack of them among rural hotel owners.<br />

Here too Michelin fit squarely within a larger tourist movement, picking up on<br />

the Touring Club’s own obsession with toilets at the turn of the century. In the late<br />

1890s, the regular articles in the Revue mensuelle of the TCF focused frequently<br />

on WCs. In 1896, an article complained that either the installation or the maintenance<br />

of WCs was inadequate, even when they were present. In 1897, Emile<br />

Gautier called for “a crusade” in the pages of the review. Implicitly equating<br />

provincials without WCs with natives in the colonies, Gautier claimed that<br />

“cleanliness is an indication of progress, a sign of civilization. All savages are<br />

dirty,” whereas “all civilized people are clean.” Europeans were supposed to know<br />

better. “How many individuals, how many cities [cités, which could imply a place<br />

where workers in particular lived], in the heart of our European societies, so proud<br />

of their prodigious flowering that have not yet picked themselves up from the<br />

apathy of barbarian races!” He was convinced that the English provided the model<br />

for improvement, “one knows that the English people, at least those of the<br />

cultivated elite, are the cleanest race in the world: it is noteworthy [piquant] to<br />

observe that it is also one of the most powerful, one whose influence is simultaneously<br />

the most widespread, the most profound, and the most solid.” There was,<br />

however, cause for hope. The French could go beyond English standards of<br />

198

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