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Confessional Drinking in Wilhelmine Germany
8. For an argument of how this discourse was found even in the early modern era see
B. Ann Tlusty, “Water of Life, Water of Death: The Controversy over Brandy and Gin in
Early Modern Augsburg,” Central European History 31, 1–2 (1998), pp. 1–30.
9. For perceptions of binging in Brittany, see Thierry Fillaut, L’Alcoolisme dans l’ouest
de la France pendant la seconde moitié du XIXe siècle (Paris: La Documentation française,
1983), pp. 74–85.
10. Grüttner, “Alkoholkonsum,” p. 237.
11. See Thomas Brennan, “Towards the Cultural History of Alcohol in France,” Journal
of Social History 23, 1 (1989), p. 71. See also David Goodman Mandelbaum, “Alcohol
and Culture,” Current Anthropology 6 (1965). Brennan drew upon several cultural histories
of alcohol from the 1980s for his synthesis including: Wolfgang Schivelbusch, Tastes of
Paradise: A Social History of Spices, Stimulants, and Intoxicants, trans. David Jacobson
(Das Paradies, der Geschmack und die Vernunft: Eine Geschichte der Genußmittel, 1980)
(New York: Vintage, 1993); Roman Sandgruber, Bittersüße Genüsse: Eine Kulturgeschichte
der Genußmittel (Vienna, 1986); M. Hubner, Zwischen Alkohol und Abstinenz: Trinksitten
und Alkoholfrage im deutschen Proletariat bis 1914 (Berlin: Dietz, 1988); Alfred Heggen,
Alkohol und bürgerliche Gesellschaft im 19. Jahrhundert: Eine Studie zur deutschen
Sozialgeschichte, Einzelveröffentlichungen der historischen Kommission zu Berlin, no. 64
(Berlin: Colloquium Verlag, 1988).
12. For criticism of the quantitative Ledermann model see Gary H. Miller and Neil
Agnew, “The Ledermann Model of Alcohol Consumption,” Quarterly Journal of the Study
of Alcohol 35 (1974), pp. 877–98. Cultural historians have always tended to reject the
quantitative approach, which equated alcohol’s social impact with physiological effects
based on quantity of consumption. See Craig MacAndrew and Robert B. Edgerton,
Drunken Comportment: A Social Explanation (Chicago: Aldine, 1969).
13. See Schriften des Vereins für Socialpolitik, 133–5/1–4 (1910), pp. 136–7.
14. Raymond Williams, Culture and Society, 1780-1950 (New York: Columbia University
Press, 1983).
15. For an introduction of Bourdieu’s concepts see Richard Harker, Cheleen Mahar, and
Chris Wilkes (eds), An Introduction to the Work of Pierre Bourdieu: The Practice of Theory
(New York: St Martin’s Press, 1990); Craig Calhoun, Edward LiPuma and Moishe Postone
(eds), Bourdieu: Critical Perspectives (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993).
16. For a discussion of the distinction between enabling and restraining elements see
Raymond Williams, Marxism and Literature (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1977).
17. Ulrich Wyrwa, Branntwein und “echtes” Bier: Die Trinkkultur der Hamburger
Arbeiter im 19. Jahrhundert, Sozialgeschichtliche Bibliothek bei Junius, no. 7 (Hamburg:
Junius Verlag, 1990), p. 22.
18. Drawing on these ideas, social movement theorists argue that the specifics of social
identities, which include gender, religion, race and ethnicity, class, and nationality, created
a culturally “embedded” individual. See Carol McClurg Mueller, “Building Social
Movement Theory,” in Aldon Morris and Carol McClurg Mueller (eds), Frontiers in Social
Movement Theory (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1992), p. 7.
19. “In der Stille: Pünktlichkeit und Heranwachsende,” Arbeiterfamilie: Beilage zur
Westdeutschen Arbeiterzeitung 10 (1912).
20. In the American context of the masculine space of the bar, see Roy Rosenzweig,
Eight Hours for What We Will: Workers and Leisure in an Industrial City, 1870-1920
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983).
21. “Verbandsfest der katholischen Arbeitervereine von Köln und Umgegend,” Kölnische
Volkszeitung 231, 2 (August 22 1887).
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