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Patrick Young<br />

tourist traffic in France. 2 The work of this emerging “tourist industry,” as it came<br />

to be called in this period, was essential in widening the appeal of tourism in<br />

France for both French and foreign tourists, and in developing France’s capacity<br />

for receiving ever-larger numbers of those tourists. Equally important, though, and<br />

highly characteristic of this period, was its insistence upon the broader social and<br />

national potential of tourism to function as a progressive, recuperative activity, of<br />

deep value not only economically, but also morally, physically and even, in the<br />

final instance, politically. Consistent with its nationalist and solidarist convictions,<br />

the Touring Club in particular would strive to recast French tourism as a redemptive<br />

experience of the national available to middle-class consumers. The sense of<br />

“place” more commonly registered in the new tourism adduced both to the immediate<br />

agenda of republican nation-building, as well as to the broad need within the<br />

French and international bourgeoisie for always-updated markers of interior<br />

distinction.<br />

Tourism as Regional Preservation<br />

One of the defining ambitions of the new, professedly more modern tourism was<br />

to generate a new breadth of attractions, as opposed to the tried and true resort<br />

areas – the spas and beaches – which had come to define French tourism before<br />

1890. 3 Doing so was consistent with the desire to have tourism represent more<br />

faithfully, and market more successfully, France and “Frenchness,” a desire<br />

harboured most resolutely by the TCF. These aims led the club and its allies deep<br />

into the traditional regions of la France profonde, the lesser known areas of the<br />

country which, while possessing worthy historic, cultural or natural landmarks,<br />

were not yet fully “open” to tourist traffic. It was this “France inconnue” (unknown<br />

France), as they called it, which galvanized the imagination of tourist organizers,<br />

and gave tourist organizing its nationalist élan in these years. Indeed, the Touring<br />

Club rarely even mentioned Paris – perhaps the most important tourist attraction<br />

in the country – let alone devote itself to developing its attractions or capacity for<br />

tourist reception. 4 Nor did it promote the spas or beaches, referring to them only<br />

as attractions within the larger regions it was attempting to constitute. For the TCF<br />

as in tourist representation taken as a whole, the region would come to weigh more<br />

heavily in this period, as a privileged signifier of the authenticity tourism now<br />

offered. 5<br />

Like many in this period, tourist activists fretted over the growing distance they<br />

perceived to be separating an increasingly urban and factious society from the<br />

deepest sources of its national being. Tourism in the newly outfitted French regions<br />

might, they believed, connect individuals to their regions of origin, but stood also<br />

to connect the French more generally to the deeper rural, regional bases of their<br />

170

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