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Christopher Breward<br />

of Hollywood screen actresses to the role of goddesses. But its effects can also be<br />

seen in the earlier alluring organization of shop windows, the sensual displays of<br />

the public bar which form Bailey’s focus, and the paraphernalia of the popular<br />

theater which concerns us here. Glamour is also read as the visual code of a broader<br />

sexual ideology which Bailey identifies as “parasexuality.” This he defines as “an<br />

inoculation in which a little sexuality is encouraged as an antidote to its subversive<br />

properties.” 68 In other words, a strategy for managing the everyday circulation of<br />

sexualized codes and practices that constituted the exchanges of urban custom,<br />

which otherwise viewed sexuality as a dissonant force. This was a practice that<br />

was particularly pertinent in the “expanding apparatus of the service industries,<br />

and a commercialised popular culture” that typified the late-nineteenth-century<br />

urban scene. As Bailey continues:<br />

The barmaid and the pub were thus part of a larger nexus of people and institutions that<br />

stood athwart the public/private line and provided the social space within which a more<br />

democratised, heterosocial world of sex and sociability was being constituted, a world<br />

that is still inadequately mapped by historians. It is on this distinctive terrain that the<br />

less august branches of capitalism converted sexuality from anathema to resource, from<br />

resource to commodity, in the development of a modern sexualised consumerism.<br />

Parasexuality, with its safely sensational pattern of stimulation and containment, was a<br />

significant mode of cultural management in the construction of this new regime. It is<br />

plain from its operation . . . that it worked primarily to valorise male pleasure. Yet the<br />

making of this world was undertaken not just by a cadre of male managers – but by the<br />

members of this cultural complex at large, in a self-conscious and mutual working out<br />

of new modes of relationship between men and women. 69<br />

Taking into consideration the powerful “sexual” attraction of stereotypes including<br />

the bachelor dandy, the suburban hearty and the working-class masher discussed<br />

so far, I would argue for an application of the notion of parasexuality to the<br />

management of masculine sartorial figures. Where the glamorous fantasy of the<br />

barmaid smoothed the “determination of the informal rules and boundaries of<br />

sexual encounter . . . now pursued in a more fragmented and inchmeal manner, in<br />

the individual transactions of a continuously recomposing leisure crowd,” 70 so the<br />

popular communication of sartorial formulae attached to the varieties of urban<br />

masculinities present in the modern crowd, allowed young men to assess themselves<br />

visually and physically against other men in an increasingly competitive<br />

sexual marketplace. This led to a heightened awareness of their own sense of<br />

glamorous fashionability as well as placing them under the critical gaze of<br />

potential female suitors. Furthermore, the figure of the fashionable young gent,<br />

like that of the barmaid positioned in the public sphere of pleasure by “the<br />

mechanistic formula of parasexuality . . . dissolved in practice into a more popular<br />

278

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