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Christopher Breward<br />

This ambivalence went hand in hand with those constructions of aggressive<br />

heterosexuality that upheld notions of a female sphere concerned with conspicuous<br />

display, while simultaneously devaluing its worth by rejecting overt interest in<br />

sartorial matters as effeminate or antisocial, so that any major deviation from the<br />

standard conservative working wardrobe, ’Arry’s bell bottoms excepted, signified<br />

a rebellious or even pathological act. Robert Roberts in The Classic Slum recalled<br />

the dangerous associations of particular modes of working-class dandyism in turnof-the-century<br />

Salford when<br />

the proletariat knew and marked what they considered to be the sure signs of homosexuality,<br />

though the term was unknown. Any evidence of dandyism in the young was<br />

frowned upon. One “motherbound” youth among us strolled out on Sunday wearing of<br />

all things gloves, low quarters and carrying an umbrella! The virile damned him at once<br />

– an incipient nancy beyond all doubt. 49<br />

The subtleties of coding and detail that consequently surrounded “street dress”<br />

functioned subconsciously or associatively to produce forms of subcultural<br />

identification almost hidden to the gaze of the uninitiated contemporary observer,<br />

or else suggestive of a heightened violence that simply magnified masculine<br />

expectations. In his novel To London Town of 1899, Arthur Morrison alluded to<br />

the encoding of a bowler hat with connotations of workshop etiquette, and the<br />

observation of a hierarchical order that was easily fractured by inappropriate<br />

display, stating that “it was the etiquette of the shop among apprentices that any<br />

bowler hat brought in on the head of a new lad must be pinned to the wall with<br />

the tangs of many files; since a bowler hat, ere a lad had four years of service, was<br />

a pretension, a vainglory and an outrage.” 50 This fine division between the<br />

proprieties of work and leisure clothing, and the contradictory codes pertaining to<br />

each, had a long-standing tradition and gave rise to frequent misinterpretation.<br />

Thomas Wright, writing under the pseudonym of “a journeyman engineer” in<br />

1867, produced a very rich description of working-class habits that identified the<br />

various codings of weekday, Saturday, Sunday and holiday clothing among skilled<br />

laborers. The author acknowledged that<br />

in all phases of life there is I fancy a sort of inner life . . . that is known only to the<br />

initiated . . . there are traditions, customs and images interwoven with, and indeed in a<br />

great measure constituting the inner and social life of workshops, a knowledge of which<br />

is . . . essential to the comfort of those whose lot is cast among them. 51<br />

According to Wright the consequences of such intricate coding were a tight<br />

adherence to specific looks, policed by a merciless lampooning of the unfortunate<br />

who attempted to “rise above.” He noted that<br />

272

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