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Seeing, Traveling, and Consuming<br />

best researched topics, but it still has not made it into the historical “canon.” 36 But<br />

what of virtual travel and web-surfing? Such “imaginative mobilities” may<br />

engender radical transformations in contemporaries’ understanding of the public<br />

sphere and civil society. 37 Or television, for which systematic historical research<br />

palls in the face of this medium’s enormous cultural impact? The study of radio<br />

listening habits in German society, a topic full of possibility for researching<br />

women’s identities in the early twentieth century, to say nothing of the importance<br />

of its use for political propaganda, came under really serious scrutiny from<br />

scholars only recently. 38 One could mention many other areas. The rejoinder here<br />

may be predictable: that leisure practices are generally comparable across types,<br />

and that analysis of each specific genre may be likened to carrying so many coals<br />

to Newcastle. But the chapters here and other research makes one skeptical about<br />

such criticism. It is the historical inassimilability of various leisure forms to larger<br />

interpretative models, whether derived from theories of the “culture industry,”<br />

from narratives built around the idea of the “society of the spectacle,” or even from<br />

the work of now popular theorists such as Pierre Bourdieu, that comes through<br />

most clearly in the preceding contributions. This sheer centrifugality is to be<br />

welcomed, for it suggests that beneath it all there is still much room for individual<br />

initiative, for resistant or subversive practice, or simply for a degree of pleasure<br />

and self-satisfaction that can still not be tapped by projects of social domination –<br />

or by an overarching conceptual framework that finally does much violence to the<br />

historical actors and experiences it purports to illuminate. In German historiography,<br />

the operative term in this context is Eigensinn, which Alf Lüdtke has<br />

used to analyze the self-affirming words, gestures, pauses, pranks, or actions of<br />

workers on the shopfloor as they choose to conform to or dissent from their lifeworld.<br />

39<br />

If recognition of such self-expressive variety raises the issue of what forms of<br />

leisure still need to be studied, then a similar assessment also applies to the<br />

historical and political location of various leisure practices. In this book readers<br />

are presented with an impressive range of examples drawn from late Georgian to<br />

late-twentieth-century Britain; from Imperial, Weimar, and Nazi Germany; from<br />

Third Republic and Vichy France; and from the Austro-Hungarian empire and<br />

post-World War II Italy. What significance does leisure have in these different<br />

political contexts? What impact does political culture have on prevalent meanings<br />

of pleasure or desire? Our examples suffice to demonstrate that in general we have<br />

much more information about a practice such as leisure travel as it evolved in<br />

relatively free, liberal societies than in fascist or Communist dictatorships. It is not<br />

insignificant that leisure and consumption are among the least researched topics<br />

in the history of Nazi Germany even though these twelve dramatic years have<br />

given rise to a veritable cottage industry of popular and scholarly writing built<br />

around the dire narratives of war and genocide. As for post-1945 socialist states<br />

17

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