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Confessional Drinking in Wilhelmine Germany<br />

with an alcohol-centered everyday leisure culture, reinforced by the pub visit<br />

following Sunday mass. Further, organizations dedicated to the improvement of<br />

workers’ lives often fostered a drinking culture while simultaneously advocating<br />

temperance. This contradiction is best observed in the Catholic labor movement<br />

(KAB). The KAB centered on church-organized, confessionally segregated, and<br />

clerically led Catholic workingmen’s clubs committed to creating a self-contained<br />

social-religious milieu by organizing and controlling leisure consumption.<br />

Although KAB leaders believed that “ennobling” the Catholic worker required a<br />

radical alteration in his relationship to alcohol, drinking habits remained deeply<br />

etched into the everyday leisure, associational, and festival culture of the Cologne<br />

working classes. As a result, alcohol consumption patterns within the clubs became<br />

culturally contested terrain between clerical temperance initiatives and a drinking<br />

working-class membership.<br />

Several theories have explained the popularization of alcohol consumption<br />

among the lower classes in the nineteenth century. Unfortunately, all share a<br />

reductionist view of alcohol consumption as an economic derivative void of<br />

cultural considerations. Whether a psychological survival reflex to the dislocations<br />

of industrialization, a type of Foucauldian cultural resistance through nonconformity<br />

to work discipline and rejection of the bourgeoisie’s universalization of<br />

particular norms, a French Annales-style interpretation of alcohol consumption as<br />

a basic physical survival imperative based on nutritional needs, or the result of<br />

increased disposable incomes, leisure time and emerging mass markets and<br />

consumer outlets, the underlying assumptions contain an inherent distortion. To<br />

wit, statistical approaches to consumption ignore cultural contexts and presume a<br />

particular proclivity of the lower classes to consume more alcohol than other<br />

classes during industrialization – an assertion problematized by contradictory<br />

patterns. 7 Although alcohol consumption increased throughout the nineteenth<br />

century in Europe, considerations other than class including marital status, age,<br />

gender, region, religion, and occupation crosscut working-class drinking patterns.<br />

Even along class lines, differentiation of habits was as much a perception as<br />

reality. The “drinking question” remained fixed on the working classes for<br />

subjective reasons based on a legacy from the early modern era of an urban<br />

proletarian drinking problem. Beginning as early as the sixteenth century, new<br />

forms of alcohol, mostly industrial spirits, entered the markets as the drink of<br />

choice for lower classes. The new drinking patterns of the lower classes thus<br />

clashed with those of the established classes, fostering a disjunction in attitudes<br />

between traditional alcoholic forms and the new. 8 In England, gin became<br />

synonymous with lower-class poverty and sloth by the eighteenth century. In<br />

France, the villain was absinthe. Also, public binge drinking, usually by peasants<br />

at festivals and workers on payday weekends, occasioned censure even if the<br />

overall level of consumption between bingers and more discreet drinkers did not<br />

235

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