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Clinical Textbook of Addictive Disorders 3rd ed - R. Frances, S. Miller, A. Mack (Guilford, 2005) WW

Clinical Textbook of Addictive Disorders 3rd ed - R. Frances, S. Miller, A. Mack (Guilford, 2005) WW

Clinical Textbook of Addictive Disorders 3rd ed - R. Frances, S. Miller, A. Mack (Guilford, 2005) WW

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2. Historical and Social Context 19cology <strong>of</strong> these substances may affect their historical and traditional use. A casein point is the flushing reaction observ<strong>ed</strong> among a greater-than-expect<strong>ed</strong> number<strong>of</strong> Asians and Native Americans (but neither universal in these peoples,nor limit<strong>ed</strong> to them). Absence <strong>of</strong> alcohol use among the northern Asian peopleswho subsequently peopl<strong>ed</strong> much <strong>of</strong> East Asia and the Americas is a likelyexplanation, but the exact reason is unknown. The flushing reaction associat<strong>ed</strong>with alcohol (Johnson & Nagoshi, 1990) has been <strong>of</strong>fer<strong>ed</strong> as a reason for twoopposite phenomena:1. The low rates <strong>of</strong> alcoholism among Asian peoples, who presumably findthe reaction aversive and hence drink little—although rates are increasingacross much <strong>of</strong> Asia (Ohmori, Koyama, et al., 1986).2. The high rates <strong>of</strong> alcoholism among certain Native American groups,who presumably must “drink through” their flushing reaction to experienceother alcohol effects.Flushing may be more or less desirable, depending upon how the culture valuesthis biological effect. Among many East and Southeast Asian peoples influenc<strong>ed</strong>by Buddhist precepts, flushing is view<strong>ed</strong> as the emergence <strong>of</strong> cupidity orrage, with impli<strong>ed</strong> loss <strong>of</strong> emotional control. Modal differences in alcoholmetabolism have also been observ<strong>ed</strong> among ethnic groups, and these differencessupport arguments in favor <strong>of</strong> biological causation. However, the intraethnicdifferences in alcohol metabolism greatly exce<strong>ed</strong> the interethnic differences(Fenna, Mix, Schaeffer, & Gilbert, 1971). Despite some minimalpharmacokinetic differences among people <strong>of</strong> different races, the observ<strong>ed</strong> differencesappear to be more due to pharmacodynamics; that is, the influence <strong>of</strong>people vis-à-vis the drug (i.e., their traditions, taboos, expectations, and patterns<strong>of</strong> use) appears to exert greater influence than the drug vis-à-vis the people(e.g., rates <strong>of</strong> absorption and catabolism and flushing reactions). Pharmacodynamicfactors relat<strong>ed</strong> to culture and pharmacokinetic factors relat<strong>ed</strong> tobiological inheritance and environmental influences probably both play rolesin the individual’s experience with psychoactive substances.As psychoactive substance use develop<strong>ed</strong> into substance abuse in manyadvanc<strong>ed</strong> civilizations, social and cultural means evolv<strong>ed</strong> to control usage. Onemethod was law and law enforcement. Aztecs utiliz<strong>ed</strong> this method in pre-Columbian times to limit the frequency and amount <strong>of</strong> drinking (Anawalt &Berdan, 1992). Later, in the post-Columbian period, England counter<strong>ed</strong> its “ginplague” with a tax on import<strong>ed</strong> alcohol-containing beverages (Thurn, 1978),and its later “opium epidemic” with prescribing laws (Kramer, 1979). Anothermethod has been religious stricture. Perhaps the first organiz<strong>ed</strong> religion to prescribeabstinence from alcohol was Hinduism. Early Buddhist leaders counsel<strong>ed</strong>abstinence from alcohol as a means <strong>of</strong> quitting earthly bondage to achieve contentmentin this life and eternal nirvana after death. Islam became the third

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