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Table 3. Common market channels <strong>for</strong> agro<strong>for</strong>estry products.<br />

Producer<br />

Producer -<br />

Producer ) Wholesaler<br />

Producer - 1 Contract buyer<br />

Producer - Financier/Wholesaler<br />

Producer - Wholesaler - Processor<br />

Source: Calderon and Diaz (1986).<br />

The simplest system involves direct sale from<br />

the producer to the consumer. Marketing tends<br />

to become more complex as the numbers of<br />

intermediaries and services provided increase.<br />

Some products require minimal services, ie.<br />

fresh vegetables sold to nearby households,<br />

while others necessitate services of time, storage<br />

space, and energy inputs. Harvested coffee and<br />

pili (Canarium ovatum), <strong>for</strong> example, must be<br />

dried, stored, transported, processed, and<br />

packed <strong>for</strong> distribution to consumers.<br />

In most cases, farmers per<strong>for</strong>m very limited<br />

marketing services. The value added by these<br />

services is captured by the middlemen who<br />

often have the capital and the necessary<br />

facilities. An example would be a contract<br />

buyer who enters into an agreement with a<br />

mango farmer to harvest and buy the latter's<br />

droduce even be<strong>for</strong>e the flowering stage. The<br />

ouyer assumes pre and post-harvest expenses<br />

including flower inducers <strong>for</strong> the mangoes,<br />

labor, packaging materials, and transportation<br />

services. The financier-wholesaler provides<br />

capital and other facilities to farmers and other<br />

buyers to obtain sizable volumes <strong>for</strong> distribution<br />

to retailers. Unlike retailers who operate in<br />

<strong>small</strong> volumes, large trade volumes enable<br />

wholesalers to realize big returns, and where<br />

theycontrol the bulk of the trade, to influence<br />

and set prices.<br />

Marketing Problems, Issues and Strategy<br />

In rural areas of LDCs, the marketing system<br />

is considered inefficicat and is associated wth<br />

exploitation by middlemen. The overall impact<br />

is low producer prices, high jonsumer prices,<br />

and large marketing margins resulting from<br />

high marketing costs or above-normal profits of<br />

middlemen, or both. High marketing costs are<br />

due to operational inefficiencies, ie. poor<br />

packaging materials and traditional post-harvest<br />

47<br />

) Consumer<br />

Retailer - . Consumer<br />

) Retailer - Consumer<br />

) Retailer - Consumer<br />

- Retailer - Consumer<br />

- Retailer - ) Consumer<br />

losses. The above-normal profits of middlemen<br />

result from inefficient price <strong>for</strong>mation due to<br />

foor communication and transportation<br />

acilities, highly segmented markets, lack of<br />

access to market outlets, and highly unequal<br />

bargaining power between buyers and sellers<br />

(Pabuayon 1987).<br />

The lack of market in<strong>for</strong>mation on the <strong>part</strong> of<br />

the <strong>small</strong>-scale farmers and the inability of many<br />

buyers to penetrate remote producin areas due<br />

to poor roads increases the opportunity <strong>for</strong> the<br />

buyer/trader to exercise monopsony power at<br />

the expense of the farmer. The poor road<br />

conditions directly raise transfer costs to the<br />

consumers' disadvantage. Capital constraints<br />

<strong>for</strong> bulk procurement and purchase of facilities,<br />

and lack of infrastructure serve as barriers <strong>for</strong><br />

potential market entrants leading to a less<br />

competitive market environment.<br />

Upland farmers are constrained by problems<br />

such as the inability to find alternative market<br />

outlets, and low prices (Calderon and Diaz<br />

1986; Calanog 1989). Such disincentives limit<br />

farm output and commercialization. This was<br />

the case where farmers in Camarines Norte<br />

(Bicol) refused to plant Leucaena because there<br />

was no feed mill in the area and fuelwood was<br />

readily available. Taking these products to<br />

markets outside the province would result in<br />

high transportation costs (Capistrano and<br />

Fujisaka 1984). The <strong>part</strong>icipants of an upland<br />

development project in Balatan, Camarines Sur<br />

preferred planting fruit <strong>tree</strong>s to hardwood<br />

<strong>species</strong> because the latter could be difficult to<br />

sell (Duldulao 1979). The farmers in thie <strong>tree</strong><br />

planting project in Mindanao felt that PICOP<br />

exercise monopsonistic price control as it was<br />

the sole buyer of.P. falcataria in the area (Chua<br />

and Diaz 1985). Similarly, Aguilar (1982) noted<br />

the oligopsony control oflowland merchants in<br />

the Ikalahan reservation who dictated prices

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