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Economic Report of the President

Report - The American Presidency Project

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As an abrupt increase in <strong>the</strong> price <strong>of</strong> an important commoditytranslates into an increase in <strong>the</strong> cost <strong>of</strong> living, pressure builds forwage gains to match <strong>the</strong> new inflation. Some gains take place automaticallywhere wages are linked to prices through cost-<strong>of</strong>-livingclauses in union contracts. Additional acceleration occurs as new contractsare negotiated. As businesses observe <strong>the</strong> rising wage-pricespiral, <strong>the</strong>y are likely to expect a higher future level <strong>of</strong> inflation. Theyare <strong>the</strong>n somewhat more likely to grant larger wage increases, bothin <strong>the</strong> belief that rising inflation will make it possible to pass throughincreases in higher prices and in order to avoid losing workers.Through this process, a sharp increase in food or oil prices can leadto a rise in <strong>the</strong> underlying inflation rate.The magnitude <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> inflationary process set in motion by an oilpriceincrease or some o<strong>the</strong>r supply shock depends on <strong>the</strong> state <strong>of</strong><strong>the</strong> economy. The more prosperous <strong>the</strong> economy and <strong>the</strong> lower <strong>the</strong>unemployment level, <strong>the</strong> more likely it is that <strong>the</strong> initial increase inprices will lead to higher wage increases and a higher underlying inflationrate.In addition to <strong>the</strong>ir inflationary consequences, supply shocks alsocreate recessionary forces. The very large increases in oil prices in1974 and 1979 not only spurred inflation but simultaneously depressedaggregate demand. They were <strong>the</strong>refore largely responsiblefor <strong>the</strong> recessions <strong>of</strong> 1974-75 and 1980. After paying sharply higherprices for petroleum products, consumers had less to spend on o<strong>the</strong>rgoods and services. But those who received <strong>the</strong> revenues from higheroil prices—foreign and domestic oil producers—increased <strong>the</strong>ir demandsfor U.S. exports and investment goods only gradually. On balance,<strong>the</strong>refore, aggregate demand and spending fell, leading tolower output and reduced employment.Such a simultaneous increase in inflation and unemploymentbrought on by supply shocks creates a dilemma for economic policy.If monetary and fiscal policies produce additional aggregate demandto "compensate" for <strong>the</strong> recessionary forces set in motion by asupply shock, <strong>the</strong>re is likely to be a large induced rise in inflation. If,on <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r hand, no effort is made to compensate, aggregatedemand will fall. But given <strong>the</strong> relative insensitivity <strong>of</strong> wage and pricedecisions to moderate slack in <strong>the</strong> economy, some increase in <strong>the</strong> underlyinginflation rate is none<strong>the</strong>less likely. Only sharply restrictivemonetary and fiscal policies, which streng<strong>the</strong>n <strong>the</strong> forces leading torecession, can prevent an increase in <strong>the</strong> underlying inflation rate.While recessionary forces came into play in 1974 and 1980, <strong>the</strong> slackening<strong>of</strong> aggregate demand was not sufficient to avoid ano<strong>the</strong>rupward ratcheting <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> inflation rate.43

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