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Economic Report of the President

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job opportunities are very high for workers, and <strong>the</strong> costs <strong>of</strong> traininga skilled work force are very large for businesses. Both workers andfirms see benefits in establishing long-term relationships. One wayfor a firm to attract and hold a skilled work force is an implicit agreementnot to engage in extensive wage-cutting during periods <strong>of</strong> weakmarkets. As a consequence, many firms are unwilling to take a chance<strong>of</strong> losing out in <strong>the</strong> labor market by being among <strong>the</strong> first to reducewage increases.O<strong>the</strong>r institutions besides those <strong>of</strong> wage-contracting contribute to<strong>the</strong> downward insensitivities <strong>of</strong> prices and wages. In <strong>the</strong> case <strong>of</strong>prices, <strong>the</strong> downward pressure that would normally be exerted bycompetitive forces in slack markets is significantly muted in large oligopolisticindustries by market strategy considerations and variousforms <strong>of</strong> administered prices. Finally, government intervention in individualmarkets through regulation, which may fix wages, <strong>the</strong> priceor quality <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> product, or <strong>the</strong> conditions under which productiontakes place, adds fur<strong>the</strong>r rigidity.Some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> economic institutions and practices that contribute towage and price rigidity <strong>the</strong>mselves evolved in response to expectationsthat government economic policy would continue to be supportive.Although <strong>the</strong> persistent application <strong>of</strong> demand restraint islikely to reduce <strong>the</strong>m, <strong>the</strong>y should not be expected to disappeareasily or quickly.Downward wage and price rigidity makes <strong>the</strong> costs <strong>of</strong> reducing inflationthrough monetary and fiscal restraint quite large. It is difficultto estimate <strong>the</strong> costs with precision, but representative econometricstudies suggest that reducing inflation by 1 percentage point wouldrequire a sacrifice <strong>of</strong> $100 billion in lost output (in 1980 pYices) anda one-half percentage point rise in <strong>the</strong> unemployment rate over aperiod <strong>of</strong> about 3 years. Most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> costs would be incurred in <strong>the</strong>first half <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> period. These statistical estimates, however, are basedon historical relationships. There has never been a period <strong>of</strong> sustainedeconomic restraint in recent times from which direct evidence <strong>of</strong><strong>the</strong> costs could be drawn. The possibility that <strong>the</strong>y would growsignificantly smaller if restraint persisted is discussed later in thischapter.In sum, it is <strong>the</strong> costs imposed on society when demand restraintclashes with <strong>the</strong> downward insensitivity <strong>of</strong> wages and prices thatmakes it so difficult to reduce inflation by applying monetary andfiscal restraint. Viewed in this perspective, <strong>the</strong> central problem <strong>of</strong>economic policy is not how to reduce inflation. If that were <strong>the</strong> onlyobjective, a sufficiently draconian level <strong>of</strong> demand restraint could befound to do <strong>the</strong> job. The real issue is tw<strong>of</strong>old: How large are <strong>the</strong>costs society is willing to bear to realize <strong>the</strong> benefits <strong>of</strong> lower infla-46

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