Developments in Ceramic Materials Research

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2 Leslie G. Cecil comprehensive dataset. This holistic and interdisciplinary approach is the first in the Maya area to comprehensively combine stylistic and technological characteristics of pottery (technological styles) and will ultimately address issues data about changing social relations during the Postclassic period and how, during times of stress, people used pottery to help identify themselves as part of a cohesive sociopolitical group. INTRODUCTION Analysis of pottery manufacture in many regions of the world has focused on stylistic, mineralogical, or chemical analyses to provide information concerning identity, boundary maintenance/establishment, and exchange patterns. While many of these studies have proven fruitful, they have been limited in scope due in most part to the limitation of the methodology used. However, when data from stylistic, mineralogical, and chemical analyses of pottery are examined together with ethnohistorical, architectural, and burial data, it is possible to infer patterns of manufacture that relate to identity and exchange. In this chapter, I argue that this combination of analyses, and not any single methodology used alone, provides the data sets that allow me to suggest which sociopolitical groups in central Petén, Guatemala may have manufactured what kinds of pottery with different stylistic and technological characteristics. This is possible because the different kinds of pottery result from choices made by Postclassic Petén Maya potters within a social structure that embodies their identity. The existence of these stylistically- and technologically-based pottery groups that are embedded in structure and agency allow the archaeologist to study materials such as clay and mineral inclusions and patterns of pottery manufacture as practice. As such, the patterns of manufacture are not merely “ ‘added on’ in order to signal group identity,” but are choices made by the potter “by which a sense of group identity is formed and transformed as being coeval with and identical to the process by which a sense of technique is formed and transformed” (Dietler and Herbich 1998:247). As such, potters, as well as other members of a society, may continually construct and reconstruct their identity by creating and recreating their social structures through daily activities such as pottery manufacture (Giddens 1984:17). As a daily activity, pottery manufacture becomes a social activity when the choices made during the manufacturing process are examined as a social phenomenon. The patterns of manufacture (choices) are made in a specific manner, under the umbrella of the culture’s social structure and reproduced. As such, patterns of manufacture may be reproduced without the potter being fully cognizant of the set of “rules” or operational sequences established through the mediation of structure and agency (Lechtman 1977; Lemonnier 1992). For example, a clay source may be continually used without question because one social group does not have access to clays in another territory or because it is customary to use that source. “These dispositions of choice and perceptions in the domain are interwoven with similarly formed patterns of choice and perceptions in the domain of social relations and cultural categories in ways that evoke and reinforce each other such that they come to be perceived as ‘natural’” (Dietler and Herbich 1998:246). Therefore, clusters of pottery traits (stylistic, mineralogical, and chemical), as well as architectural designs and burial practices, are compatible with the social structures and they reflect the social identity and history of the culture.
Postclassic Maya Ceramic Advances 3 According to ethnohistorical documents, Petén Postclassic (ca. AD 1000-1525) sociopolitical groups, primarily the Itza and Kowoj, contested political boundaries and changed alliances (Jones 1998). If boundaries were established because of this unrest, access to resources may have influenced the choices that Maya potters made during manufacturing because some social groups may not have had access to specific resources within another sociopolitical group’s territory. Choices based on resources include, but are not limited to, clays and pigments. The example of pottery manufacture and trade that follows demonstrates that neither descriptive nor archaeometric analyses alone would be able to answer how Petén Postclassic potters defined themselves through their material culture. I conjoin classification with mineralogical and chemical analyses to define groups of pottery characteristics of the two main warring Petén Postclassic sociopolitical groups at the time of the Spanish conquest. THE KOWOJ AND ITZA OF NORTH-CENTRAL YUCATÁN, MÉXICO AND CENTRAL PETÉN, GUATEMALA In the mid-sixteenth century, Bishop Diego de Landa identified 16 provinces in northern Yucatán (Tozzer 1941:17-18) some headed by different leaders (cuchcabalob or kuchcabaloob’). Each group is described as being a distinct social and/or political group (Roys 1957). During the Late Postclassic period, these provinces/territories were under the rule of the League of Mayapán headed by the Xiw, the Kokoms, and the Canuls, although the Kokoms and Xiws dominated rule and are the best documented in the ethnohistoric record (Ringle and Bey 2001; Roys 1972). Cultures at sites on the east coast of the Yucatán Peninsula and Belize had friendly ties with Mayapán (Kepecs and Masson 2003:43). According to the Chilam Balam of Mani, in a Katun 2 Ajau (A.D. 751?), the Xiw (also Tutul-Xiw) arrived in the Pu’uc region from the west (the land of Tulapan) after stopping in Petén 500 years earlier; there they founded and governed Uxmal (Craine and Reindorp 1970:138-139; Restall 1998:141). Kowalski (1987:56-58) suggests that they came from Tabasco. They joined with the Kokom/Itza as part of a multepal (“joint rule”) that ruled Mayapán. The Xiw presence within the walled city of Mayapán may relate to construction of basic ceremonial groups near the cenote Ch’en Mul (Proskuriakoff 1962; Pugh 2001a, 2001b) as well as to the red-decorated pottery with a light-colored clay paste. Edmonson (1982:x, 24, 45-46) states that the Xiw controlled the western half of Yucatán, had a different ritual calendar from the Kokom/Itza, and were represented by the yaxum or blue bird (Cotinga amabilis). After a series of internal revolts with the Kokom and the later Spanish presence, the Xiw moved the seat of the may (256 years) and the center of their rule to Maní by A.D. 1539 (Edmonson 1986:41). The Chilam Balam of Tizimin states that the Kokoms claim to have come from Chich’en Itza after two k’atuns (one k’atun is 20 years) of exile (Edmonson 1986; Roys 1962). This Itza lineage founded Mayapán and seated the may in a Katun 8 Ajau (ca. A.D. 1080-1104 or A.D. 1185-1204) (Milbrath and Peraza Lope 2003:Table 1; Roys 1962:43). At this time, the earliest structures in the Mayapán ceremonial core that resemble those from Chich’en Itza (the Itza homeland) were constructed: the Castillo-like center temple, serpent-column facades, colonnaded halls, and small sacrificial altars (Proskouriakoff 1962:133).
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Page 9 and 10: PREFACE Ceramics are refractory, in
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Developments in Ceramic Materials Research

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