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294<br />

EAST ASIA.<br />

minister Wangmang, after seizing the throne, declared the whole land henceforth<br />

imperial property. "No subject shall keep more than one tsin (about twelve<br />

acres), or possess more than eight man slaves. The sale of land is forbidden, so<br />

that all may keep what yields them bread. All excess of land in the hands of<br />

any one reverts to the Crown, and shall be distributed to the communes according<br />

to their needs. Whoever questions the wisdom of these measures shall be banished,<br />

whoever resists them shall be put to death." Yet a few years later on the<br />

magnates had recovered their domains, and the attempt to reconstitute the old<br />

communal system again failed. "Not Yu or Shun himself," said a contemporary<br />

philosopher, " could now restore it. All things change ; tb.e streams shift their<br />

courses, and what time has effaced disappears for ever."<br />

After many social convulsions and changes of dynasties, the Chinese political<br />

economists, abandoning the old conception of communal property, attempted to<br />

introduce a new system. No similar revolution was ever elsewhere essayed by the<br />

governing classes for the transformation of the whole social fabric. Wanganche,<br />

having become the friend and adviser of the Emperor Chentsung, boldly set about<br />

the destruction of the old order of<br />

things. In 1069 he issued a decree abolishing<br />

all individual property. The State became sole owner, and undertook to distribute<br />

equally the produce of the soil amongst the people. Wealth and poverty were<br />

alike suppressed, labour and sustenance being secured to all on an equal footing.<br />

The industries were placed under State control, and for a period of five years<br />

capitalists were required to hand over their capital to the Government. Notwith-<br />

standing the opposition of the mandarins and the old feudatory lords, Wanganche<br />

succeeded in peacefully maintaining this imperial communism for fifteen years.<br />

But a change of rulers sufficed to overthrow the new regime, which met the views<br />

neither of the people nor of the great, and which had, moreover, created a class of<br />

inquisitors, who had become the true owners of the land.<br />

Under the Mongol rule properties changed hands abruptly, and a new feudal<br />

system arose, based on the right of conquest. The imperial grandees seized the<br />

great fiefs, comprising thousands and tens of thousands of acres, and every private<br />

soldier received an estate all to himself. Being at the same time anxious to extend<br />

the pasture lauds for their horses, the Mongolians conceived the strange idea of<br />

converting the land under tillage into grassy steppes, and driving<br />

the Chinese<br />

peasantry southwards. The cultivation of the plains of Peking was officially<br />

forbidden, but the attempt completely failed. Instead of driving the natives<br />

beyond the Hoang-ho, the Mongolians themselves were compelled to withdraw, with<br />

their families and herds, beyond the Great Wall.<br />

The regime at present prevailing in China is that of small holdings. But<br />

under the direction of the elders the land often remains undivided in the hands of<br />

all the members of a family, or even of a village. Thus are traces everywhere<br />

preserved of the old communal system. Large capitals are invested chiefly in<br />

trade and the industries, while the land in certain provinces remains almost entirely<br />

in the hands of the cultivators. Nevertheless there still remain many vast<br />

domains rented to small farmers and others, who share the summer crops with the

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