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The Ecclesiastical History of Evagrius Scholasticus - Coptic ...

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60<br />

EVAGRIUS<br />

advance <strong>of</strong> punishment; accordingly he held the realm as a prize <strong>of</strong><br />

virtue, not an inheritance, after the senate and others who ¢lled every<br />

position had provided the imperial power to him unanimously, on the<br />

advice <strong>of</strong> Pulcheria. Her indeed he took to wife as empress, but he did<br />

not have intercourse and she remained a perpetual virgin until old age. 12<br />

This happened even though Valentinian the emperor <strong>of</strong> Rome had not<br />

yet rati¢ed the election; still, when he had con¢rmed the vote on<br />

account <strong>of</strong> Marcian’s virtue, Marcian wished that a common worship<br />

be given to God by everyone, once the voices that had been muddled<br />

through impiety were again piously united, and that the Divinity should<br />

be glori¢ed through one and the same creed. 13<br />

2 Now while he was deliberating on these matters, the men acting on the<br />

instructions <strong>of</strong> Leo the bishop <strong>of</strong> elder Rome approached him, saying<br />

that at the Second Synod at Ephesus Dioscorus had not accepted the<br />

Tome <strong>of</strong> Leo, which was a de¢nition <strong>of</strong> orthodoxy; 14 so too did those<br />

For Marcian’s generosity, cf. Georgius Monachus ii. 611:12^17, and for other praise <strong>of</strong> imperial<br />

generosity, <strong>Evagrius</strong> v.13, p. 209:14^26 (Tiberius).<br />

12 Holum, Empresses 208^9, accepted the importance <strong>of</strong> Pulcheria’s role in the succession,<br />

but, in an exhaustive analysis <strong>of</strong> the sources, Burgess (‘Accession’) has argued that she<br />

was no more than a pawn whom Aspar exploited. Although it would be surprising if Aspar<br />

did not have a hand in the elevation <strong>of</strong> his former domesticus (cf. Zuckerman, ‘Huns’ 176),<br />

quite possibly in collaboration with the magister militum Zeno (Lee, ‘Empire’ 43), Burgess’<br />

scepticism seems excessive: an Augusta could take the initiative in a dynastic crisis (cf.<br />

Ariadne in 491, or Sophia in 574), and an unconsummated marriage need not have been<br />

regarded as totally abnormal in a devout Christian context; further, the one-month interregnum<br />

between <strong>The</strong>odosius’ death on 28 July and Marcian’s proclamation on 25 August is<br />

not suspicious, since the empire was legally under the sole rule <strong>of</strong> Valentinian III (there was<br />

a ¢ve-month ‘gap’ between the death <strong>of</strong> Valens and the proclamation <strong>of</strong> <strong>The</strong>odosius I).<br />

Rufus, Plerophories 3, records a vision <strong>of</strong> the priest Pelagius that Pulcheria would be unfaithful<br />

both to orthodoxy (through promoting Chalcedon) and to her vow <strong>of</strong> virginity.<br />

13 Valentinian, senior Augustus after <strong>The</strong>odosius’ death, was not consulted about the<br />

succession. <strong>Evagrius</strong> hints at a link between Marcian’s organization <strong>of</strong> the Council <strong>of</strong> Chalcedon,<br />

which was to uphold the views <strong>of</strong> Pope Leo, and his o⁄cial recognition by the West in<br />

452. <strong>The</strong> Monophysite tradition naturally exploited the technical illegality <strong>of</strong> Marcian’s<br />

accession: John <strong>of</strong> Nikiu 87.36; Michael the Syrian viii.9, II. p. 36.<br />

14 <strong>The</strong>re are several letters from Leo to Marcian complaining about Second Ephesus:<br />

ACO II.i.1, no. 12 (pp. 25:7^27:18); II.iv.39, 41, 47; the people responsible for delivering<br />

the letter may have been the presbyters Faustus and Martin, who were representing the<br />

Pope’s interests in Constantinople in 450, or perhaps one <strong>of</strong> the numerous messengers who<br />

travelled between Pope and imperial court in 450/1, e.g. the presbyter Boniface or the agens

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