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The Ecclesiastical History of Evagrius Scholasticus - Coptic ...

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xlvi<br />

EVAGRIUS<br />

more £exible. <strong>Evagrius</strong> chose not to highlight the contemporary dispute,<br />

but there is no doubt about where his loyalties lay: Chalcedon was the<br />

great treasure which Marcian bequeathed to the world (ii.8); Zachariah<br />

was a partisan reporter <strong>of</strong> events even though he may have been correct<br />

about the tergiversations <strong>of</strong> the bishops <strong>of</strong> Asia (ii.8; iii.9); Severus <strong>of</strong><br />

Antioch is accused, wrongly, <strong>of</strong> boasting about his dealings with<br />

Anthimus <strong>of</strong> Constantinople (iv.11); Timothy <strong>of</strong> Alexandria is implicated<br />

in the murder <strong>of</strong> his rival Proterius and his own standing with his<br />

Monophysite followers is misrepresented (ii.8; iii.6).<br />

<strong>Evagrius</strong>’ comments on the question <strong>of</strong> Church unity are not entirely<br />

consistent. Although he approved <strong>of</strong> the eirenic policy <strong>of</strong> Anastasius, he<br />

also admitted that the lack <strong>of</strong> communion between churches in di¡erent<br />

provinces was absurd (iii.30). <strong>The</strong> situation might appear to have been<br />

recti¢ed by Justinian’s resolute action in expelling the Monophysites<br />

Severus and Anthimus, whereafter ‘the Synod <strong>of</strong> Chalcedon was publicly<br />

proclaimed in all the churches’ (iv.11, p. 161:19^20); the Synod was no<br />

longer anathematized, opponents were coerced in various ways, and the<br />

churches were reunited, with the patriarchs now in agreement and the<br />

bishops following their leaders (iv.11). But this focus on unity at a<br />

purely formal level, achieved through the imposition <strong>of</strong> imperially<br />

approved patriarchs, is undermined by the admission that Severus’ anti-<br />

Chalcedonian writings remained in£uential, ‘and from there many<br />

disputes have arisen for the Church, and the most faithful populace has<br />

been divided’ (iv.4, p. 154:30^2); the enthusiastic support <strong>of</strong> Empress<br />

<strong>The</strong>odora for the anti-Chalcedonians is also acknowledged (iv.10). In<br />

his own lifetime, <strong>Evagrius</strong> admitted that the Church was not united:<br />

commenting on the e¡ect <strong>of</strong> the doctrinal edict issued by Justin II, he<br />

observes, ‘everyone consented to this edict, saying that its expressions<br />

were orthodox; but none <strong>of</strong> the parts that had broken o¡ was completely<br />

united . . .’ (v.4, p. 201:13^14); Chalcedon was not to be anathematized,<br />

and this prevented full reunion. But his only reference to contemporary<br />

Monophysites locates them in the empire’s desert frontier regions,<br />

‘where the doctrines <strong>of</strong> Severus are particularly prevalent’ (vi.22, p.<br />

238:25); Patriarch Gregory’s exposition <strong>of</strong> Chalcedonian doctrine is<br />

said to have brought many back to the orthodox fold. Looking outwards<br />

from Chalcedonian Antioch, a similar view to that <strong>of</strong> Symeon the<br />

Younger, the lack <strong>of</strong> complete unity was undoubtedly distressing, since<br />

it demonstrated that the Devil’s strategy <strong>of</strong> a dispute over a single letter<br />

was still e¡ective. But to highlight the disagreement would simply play

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