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The Ecclesiastical History of Evagrius Scholasticus - Coptic ...

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INTRODUCTION xxxv<br />

life; and the providential history <strong>of</strong> the Christian empire (see below,<br />

‘<strong>Evagrius</strong> as historian’). <strong>Ecclesiastical</strong> matters take precedence. <strong>The</strong> ¢rst<br />

chapter <strong>of</strong> the whole work sets the scene, with the Church delivered<br />

from the pagan challenge <strong>of</strong> Julian and the heretical disruption <strong>of</strong> Arius<br />

but then ambushed by the Devil, who devised the variation <strong>of</strong> a single<br />

letter in order to prevent Christian unanimity. 56 Nestorius wished to<br />

exclude the notion that the divinity had su¡ered in the person <strong>of</strong> Christ,<br />

but chose to present his argument through the formula that the God in<br />

Christ did not su¡er; he also objected to the increasingly popular title<br />

for the Virgin Mary <strong>of</strong> <strong>The</strong>otokos, Mother <strong>of</strong> God. His arguments,<br />

which were interpreted by opponents as denying the unity <strong>of</strong> Christ, led<br />

to contentious and <strong>of</strong>ten violent discussions at First and Second<br />

Ephesus (the Councils <strong>of</strong> 431 and 449) and then Chalcedon (451). <strong>The</strong>se<br />

Councils resulted in doctrinal de¢nitions that sought to include as<br />

much <strong>of</strong> the Eastern Church as possible, by incorporating the attention<br />

to the full humanity <strong>of</strong> Christ (the hallmark <strong>of</strong> Antiochene theologians),<br />

while giving equal emphasis to the unity <strong>of</strong> divinity and humanity<br />

in Christ (the position characteristic <strong>of</strong> theologians associated with<br />

Alexandria).<br />

At the root <strong>of</strong> the dispute lay complex problems <strong>of</strong> language and<br />

meaning, as theologians attempted to comprehend the divine mystery <strong>of</strong><br />

the Trinity. <strong>The</strong> resolution <strong>of</strong> the Arian controversy in the fourth<br />

century had enshrined the unity <strong>of</strong> Christ as God-man through acceptance<br />

<strong>of</strong> the Nicene Creed; this had asserted the consubstantiality <strong>of</strong> the<br />

Son with the Father (and, ultimately, the consubstantiality <strong>of</strong> the three<br />

persons <strong>of</strong> the Trinity), thus making it clear that the Son, incarnate in<br />

the God-man, is as fully God as the Father. One formula for resolving<br />

the issue <strong>of</strong> Trinitarian unity was three hypostases in one ousia, with<br />

hypostasis being used to express the distinct reality <strong>of</strong> the persons <strong>of</strong> the<br />

Trinity in the one God; however, in discussion <strong>of</strong> the incarnation, hypostasis<br />

could be applied more loosely to the God-man produced by the<br />

union <strong>of</strong> human and divine in Christ, which complicated this solution. 57<br />

In the ¢fth century, Christological discussion focused on the manner <strong>of</strong><br />

56 This refers to the di¡erence between the Chalcedonian ‘in two natures’ (e ’n) and the<br />

Monophysite ‘from two natures’ (e ’k) formulae: cf. i.1, with nn. 12^13, and ii.5, with n. 84<br />

below.<br />

57 Grillmeier, Christ II.2. 505^6; J. T. Leinhard, ‘Ousia and Hypostasis: <strong>The</strong> Cappadocian<br />

Settlement and the <strong>The</strong>ology <strong>of</strong> ‘‘One Hypostasis’’’, in Davis, Trinity 99^121.

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