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The Ecclesiastical History of Evagrius Scholasticus - Coptic ...

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INTRODUCTION xxxiii<br />

acta in the earlier books, though the Procopian material is carefully<br />

chosen so that the religious focus <strong>of</strong> the narrative is preserved.<br />

However, <strong>Evagrius</strong>’ treatment <strong>of</strong> Justinian’s complex theological initiatives<br />

is incomplete, and the Fifth Ecumenical Council, the Origenist<br />

dispute and the Aphthartodocete initiative are relegated to the end <strong>of</strong><br />

the Book, the location for diverse secular material in Books i^iii. This<br />

may re£ect <strong>Evagrius</strong>’ distaste for Justinian, which perhaps discouraged<br />

him from attempting to assemble relevant material and unravel the<br />

connections between the various moves; alternatively, the lack <strong>of</strong> an<br />

existing narrative to provide a structure may have been too great a<br />

handicap.<br />

For his adult lifetime, the events covered in Books v and vi, <strong>Evagrius</strong><br />

had even less guidance. He knew that his cousin, John <strong>of</strong> Epiphania,<br />

was producing a narrative <strong>of</strong> the Persian war <strong>of</strong> 572^91 (v.24) and this<br />

may have in£uenced his arrangement, but it did not provide much material<br />

since eastern military matters are not reported in great detail: his<br />

narrative <strong>of</strong> the momentous £ight <strong>of</strong> Khusro II to the Romans (vi.17^<br />

21) devotes far more attention to the actions <strong>of</strong> bishops, holy women<br />

and saints than to the events themselves. <strong>The</strong> character <strong>of</strong> leading<br />

contemporaries, the emperors Justin II, Tiberius and Maurice, and the<br />

two patriarchs <strong>of</strong> Antioch, Anastasius and Gregory, became <strong>Evagrius</strong>’<br />

most prominent concern.<br />

<strong>Evagrius</strong>’ approach to structuring his narrative had the considerable<br />

advantage that it evaded whatever problems might have been caused by<br />

the di⁄culties <strong>of</strong> combining several sources into a single account. Chronological<br />

accuracy was not one <strong>of</strong> <strong>Evagrius</strong>’ strengths, 52 and he made<br />

serious errors in narrating the events <strong>of</strong> his own lifetime, even <strong>of</strong> the<br />

very recent past when he was responsible for the collection and organization<br />

<strong>of</strong> his information. 53 Also, he was not particularly concerned about<br />

the details <strong>of</strong> military a¡airs, even on the eastern frontier where they<br />

would most directly a¡ect his world. <strong>The</strong> only exceptions are when<br />

52 Allen, <strong>Evagrius</strong> 15^16, and see below.<br />

53 In Books v and vi, <strong>Evagrius</strong> exploited some documents (e.g. Justin’s edict; Khusro’s<br />

dedications), but there is no evidence that he was aware <strong>of</strong>, or had access to, Menander<br />

Protector’s <strong>History</strong>, and there are su⁄cient di¡erences between <strong>Evagrius</strong> and <strong>The</strong>ophylact<br />

in the presentation <strong>of</strong> the military narrative <strong>of</strong> the 570s and 580s to suggest that <strong>Evagrius</strong>,<br />

unlike <strong>The</strong>ophylact, did not base his account on the contemporary narrative <strong>of</strong> his cousin,<br />

John <strong>of</strong> Epiphania: for discussion, see Whitby, Maurice 244^5, and for the opposite view,<br />

Allen, <strong>Evagrius</strong> 10^11, Olajos, <strong>The</strong>¤ophylacte 95.

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