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The Ecclesiastical History of Evagrius Scholasticus - Coptic ...

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168<br />

EVAGRIUS<br />

31 Now, when writing to Alcison concerning Macedonius and Flavian,<br />

the monastic community in Palestine spoke as follows, word for word: 97<br />

After Peter was laid to rest, Alexandria and Egypt were again<br />

separated o¡ by themselves since Athanasius, who took over<br />

after Peter, sent a document anathematizing the Synod in the<br />

synodical letters to the bishops <strong>of</strong> Constantinople, Antioch and<br />

Jerusalem. 98 And since this was not accepted, from that time<br />

Alexandria and Egypt and Libya have continued by themselves,<br />

and the whole <strong>of</strong> the rest <strong>of</strong> the East by itself, while the West<br />

would not tolerate being in communion with them on any<br />

other terms except that both Peter Mongus and Acacius be<br />

added to the anathema on Nestorius, Eutyches and Dioscorus.<br />

And so, while the churches throughout the universe were in this<br />

state, the genuine followers <strong>of</strong> Dioscorus and Eutyches were<br />

everywhere reduced to a minute number. And when they were<br />

all but on the point <strong>of</strong> disappearing from the earth so that they<br />

did not exist, Xena|«as, who is truly a stranger to God 99 ^ with<br />

For Euphemius’ removal in 496, see iii.23 (p. 121:32) and n. 113 below; the depositions <strong>of</strong><br />

Macedonius in 511 and Flavian in 512 are treated in the following chapters (iii.32^3).<br />

97 Cf. iii.33 below for another extract from this letter, and ii.5 (p. 52) for a paraphrase.<br />

<strong>The</strong> letter, which was composed towards the end <strong>of</strong> Anastasius’ reign (c. 515^16), is cited to<br />

provide a narrative <strong>of</strong> the main stages in the depositions <strong>of</strong> Flavian <strong>of</strong> Antioch and Macedonius<br />

<strong>of</strong> Constantinople, though in each case <strong>Evagrius</strong> also presents supplementary information.<br />

Zachariah <strong>of</strong> Mitylene’s <strong>History</strong>, which had underpinned <strong>Evagrius</strong>’ account <strong>of</strong><br />

ecclesiastical events during the reigns <strong>of</strong> Leo and Zeno, terminated with the accession <strong>of</strong><br />

Anastasius, so that <strong>Evagrius</strong> was now forced to construct his narrative from what information<br />

came to hand.<br />

Alcison <strong>of</strong> Nicopolis was one <strong>of</strong> the leading Chalcedonian theologians <strong>of</strong> the early sixth<br />

century (cf. ii n. 80 above).<br />

98 Cf. iii.23, p. 121:19^22, where only the letter to Antioch is mentioned.<br />

99 <strong>The</strong>re is a pun on the name <strong>of</strong> Xena|«as (Philoxenus <strong>of</strong> Mabbug) and xenos, ‘stranger’.<br />

Philoxenus, a Syriac speaker from Persia, was one <strong>of</strong> the leading Monophysite writers who,<br />

with his contemporary Severus <strong>of</strong> Antioch, established a distinctive Monophysite theology.<br />

He had been appointed bishop <strong>of</strong> Mabbug (Hierapolis) by Peter the Fuller in 485, and thereafter<br />

managed to push much <strong>of</strong> the Patriarchate <strong>of</strong> Antioch to adopt a Monophysite position.<br />

See Honigmann, E¤ve“ques 66^8; Frend, Rise 214^17; and for his doctrinal position,<br />

Chesnut, Christologies part II.<br />

Although there were relatively few people who accepted the extreme position <strong>of</strong><br />

Eutyches, the Palestinian monks have overstated the decline in support for Dioscorus<br />

(witness the troubles <strong>of</strong> Peter Mongus at Alexandria) in order to exaggerate the impact <strong>of</strong>

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