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ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY: BOOK V 267 at the Persian insolence towards Christians, which they had constantly experienced from them, and his desire that his own city should be subject to the Romans; he provided Gregory with knowledge of everything that occurred beyond the frontier, describing everything at the appropriate moment. Gregory immediately reported this to Justin, notifying him as quickly as possible of Chosroes’ approach. 35 But he, wallowing in his customary pleasures, paid no attention to the letters and was unwilling to trust them, since he indulged in wishful thinking. For ignobility is characteristic of dissolute people as well as rashness about results, but incredulity if they should happen to turn out contrary to their wishes. 36 So Justin wrote to Gregory, completely dismissing these matters as being utterly false, but that if they were true the Persians would not be able to anticipate the siege or, if they did that, they would come o¡ in a sorry state. 37 And he sent out to Marcian Acacius, a reckless and arrogant man, with instructions to relieve Marcian of his command, even if he had already set one of his two feet in the city. This indeed he performed exactly, administering the emperor’s commands without regard for expediency. For, on reaching the camp, he dismissed Marcian from his command in enemy territory, but made no announcement to the army. 38 The captains and brigadiers, on learning 35 For discussion, see Lee, ‘Evagrius’. The bishop, Paul, had visited Constantinople for doctrinal discussions in 562, and had subsequently been one of the bene¢ciaries of Gregory’s famous muni¢cence. The civilian population of Nisibis, which was largely Christian, did on occasions show signs of disloyalty to the Persians, and in 572 the local Persian marzban expelled all Christians from the city as he made preparations to withstand a siege (Chron. 1234 65). Isho-Yahb of Arzun is a counter-example of a Nestorian bishop in a frontier city who supplied information to the Persians (Chron. Seert 42, p. 438), and in due course he was rewarded by being made catholicus of the Christians in Persia by Hormizd. 36 Cf. criticism of Zeno’s despondency (iii.3), and v.11 for the consequences of such wishful thinking; contrast the e¡ectiveness of the disciplined Maurice (v.19). 37 Even the well-informed Gregory is unlikely to have had much notice of Khusro’s rapid approach,sincethePersiankingtooktroubletokeephismovementsassecretaspossible.The Roman attack on Nisibis did not begin until mid-April and lasted for less than a month, whichgives little time for the transmissiontoConstantinople and backof news of its progress and the threat from Khusro. Evagrius, with his overriding concern to criticize Justin for mismanagement of the war, did not consider such complexities, which also bedevil other accounts of the sequence of events in this campaign: see Whitby, Maurice 256^8. 38 Marcian’s replacement was probably to be Theodore Tzirus (Theophanes Byzantinus 4), but he was not on hand to take over when Acacius (PLRE III. 9^10, s.v. Acacius 4) delivered his insulting message.
268 EVAGRIUS after the night had passed that their general had been dismissed, no longer appeared before the troops, but withdrew and £ed in di¡erent directions, lifting the ridiculous siege. 39 And so Adarmaanes, with a considerable army of Persians and Scenite barbarians, passed by Circesium and ravaged Roman possessions in every way [206] by burning and killing, neither contemplating nor doing anything moderate. He captured forts and many villages with no opposition, ¢rst because nobody held command, and then too because with the soldiers blockaded in Dara by Chosroes the plundering and attacks were committed with impunity. 40 And he even sent his men to attack the city of the Theopolitans, for he did not approach it himself. They were in fact repulsed contrary to all expectation, since nobody remained in the city, or most exceedingly few, and the priest had £ed and secretly carried o¡ the holy treasures, both because much of the wall had collapsed, and because the populace had rebelled in its desire to begin a revolution, as is accustomed to happen and particularly at such moments. They themselves also £ed, leaving the city deserted, with absolutely nothing planned for counter-contrivance or counter-attack. 41 10 And so since Adarmaanes failed in this attempt, he burnt the place which of old was named Heracleia but subsequently Gangalike, and captured Apamea, a city established by Seleucus Nicanor, which of old 39 The main problem for the Romans was that Khusro happened to be approaching Nisibis from the south just as Acacius arrived to announce the removal of their leader. As a result there was a disorderly £ight towards Dara and Mardin, with most of the siege equipment being abandoned for reuse by the Persians. Festugie're (426) translates as ‘the mass of the troops refused to advance further’, and he then takes ‘the troops’ as the subject of the next clauses. But it is preferable to interpret both parts of the me'n ...de' construction as describing the o⁄cers’ reactions to the discovery of Marcian’s dismissal: they were no longer visible to give a lead to their troops, but instead saved themselves ^ to be followed by the leaderless rank and ¢le. 40 Roman forces were now in complete disarray: apart from the substantial garrison at Dara, the shattered remnants of Marcian’s army had taken refuge at Mardin, where they were commanded by the imperial treasurer, Magnus (John of Epiphania 5), on whom see further n. 43 below. 41 According to John of Epiphania (4; also Theophylact iii.10.8), Adarmahan’s forces destroyed the rich suburbs of Antioch; this might suggest that the city’s defences were rather more e¡ective than Evagrius claims: he may well have exaggerated their dilapidation (cf. Whitby, ‘Antioch’ 539^42; also vi.8 with n. 31 below), in order to explain the £ight of his patron, Gregory. For other indications of Gregory’s unpopularity with sections of the urban population (in spite of the encomium in v.6), see vi.7.
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Translated Texts for Historians Thi
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Translated Texts for Historians Vol
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To Max, Brodie and Archie
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viii EVAGRIUS TRANSLATION AND NOTES
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ABBREVIATIONS AB = Analecta Bolland
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INTRODUCTION BIOGRAPHICAL INFORMATI
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INTRODUCTION xv property with good
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INTRODUCTION xvii the revived festi
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INTRODUCTION xix detect evidence fo
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INTRODUCTION xxi possible that it h
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INTRODUCTION xxiii Stylites the Eld
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cedents to the Council of Constanti
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have formed the basis of Eustathius
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INTRODUCTION xxix description of th
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eading of his source might have avo
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INTRODUCTION xxxiii acta in the ear
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INTRODUCTION xxxv life; and the pro
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INTRODUCTION xxxvii Chalcedon as a
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INTRODUCTION xxxix doctrinal matter
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INTRODUCTION xli an explanation tha
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INTRODUCTION xliii visited the shri
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INTRODUCTION xlv incidental admissi
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the Devil’s game, and so Evagrius
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INTRODUCTION xlix word and deed and
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unclear . . . since He knows both t
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INTRODUCTION liii though it can be
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INTRODUCTION lv long-winded to thos
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INTRODUCTION lvii (ii.1: e.g. the d
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INTRODUCTION lix imperial city’,
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INTRODUCTION lxi TEXT AND TRANSLATI
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INTRODUCTION lxiii historical and h
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2 EVAGRIUS Synod was convened at Ep
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4 EVAGRIUS 15. Concerning the war a
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6 EVAGRIUS that nothing worthy of r
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8 EVAGRIUS contrived a variation ev
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10 EVAGRIUS bishopric, 20 at the ti
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12 EVAGRIUS which the life-giving S
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14 EVAGRIUS registered. 36 Theodotu
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16 EVAGRIUS they came to an agreeme
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18 EVAGRIUS we glori¢ed God the ma
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20 EVAGRIUS it is not named explici
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22 EVAGRIUS here in this way? 65 Or
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24 EVAGRIUS from Panopolis by barba
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26 EVAGRIUS bishop of Cyzicus, took
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28 EVAGRIUS assembled at Ephesus Ju
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30 EVAGRIUS inscrutable benevolence
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32 EVAGRIUS most irrational of all,
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34 EVAGRIUS 13 In these times too t
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36 EVAGRIUS he freed him to accompl
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38 EVAGRIUS Most of this man has be
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40 EVAGRIUS So, to the left-hand si
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42 EVAGRIUS 16 Then too the venerab
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44 EVAGRIUS and the unde¢led remai
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46 EVAGRIUS 19 In the same times of
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48 EVAGRIUS Of your race and blood
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50 EVAGRIUS di¡erent, but the orga
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52 EVAGRIUS and to clothe the body
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[34] THESE ARE THE CONTENTS OF THE
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ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY: BOOK II 57
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een canonically deposed by Proteriu
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Now, master, it is timely to say:
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After these had been read, the whol
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which He derived from Her. As for t
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ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY: BOOK III 12
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to die, but he was murdered at the
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ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY: BOOK IV 199
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ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY: BOOK VI 317
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320 APPENDIX I John II 496^505 John
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APPENDIX II THE IMAGE OF EDESSA Alt
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THE IMAGE OF EDESSA 325 Procopius o
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GLOSSARY Acacian Schism. The disput
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GLOSSARY 329 hypostasis. Literally
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GLOSSARY 331 edict of 534, the here
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334 BIBLIOGRAPHY Chron. ad an. 1234
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336 BIBLIOGRAPHY öö, Discours 38^
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338 BIBLIOGRAPHY Malalas, Chronicle
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340 BIBLIOGRAPHY Slavonic Malalas;
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342 BIBLIOGRAPHY W. D. Barry, ‘Ar
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344 BIBLIOGRAPHY G. F. Chesnut, The
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346 BIBLIOGRAPHY E. K. Fowden, The
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348 BIBLIOGRAPHY E. Je¡reys (ed.),
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350 BIBLIOGRAPHY öö, The Prosopog
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352 BIBLIOGRAPHY eschatological ele
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MAPS
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The Middle East
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Constantinople
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362 Tetrapylon 85^6 Tychaeum 42 foo
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364 Ardabur (grandson) 36^7 Areobin
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366 154^5, 157^9, 162,166^7, 171^ 2
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368 Dexippus 286 Didymus the Blind
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370 Fausta, wife of Constantine 186
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372 Jerusalem, xviii, 36, 48^9, 75,
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374 Licinius, emperor 189 Limnae 14
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376 Numan, Lakhmid (590s) 314 Numid
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378 Rhodope 57 Ricimer 83^4, 99 Rom
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380 Thecla xix, 142 Theia (Teias) 2
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382 Yarmuk xliii Yazdgard I 46 Yazd
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384 Chronicon ad an.1234, cited 266
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386 sources: documents xxii^xxiii,
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388 Monophysites xix^xx, xxxvii, xl
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390 Sozomen xx, xliii, lv, lx^lxi,
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