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The Ecclesiastical History of Evagrius Scholasticus - Coptic ...

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EVAGRIUS<br />

secular material through selective emphasis (particularly in the case <strong>of</strong><br />

the Procopian narrative, as discussed above). One factor in the demise<br />

<strong>of</strong> ecclesiastical historiography is likely to have been the general decline<br />

in the availability <strong>of</strong> education in the late sixth and early seventh centuries<br />

as the majority <strong>of</strong> cities, whose elites had ¢nanced the classical<br />

training <strong>of</strong> their sons in the expectation <strong>of</strong> bene¢ts in terms <strong>of</strong> imperial<br />

employment and status, contracted or were captured in the diverse<br />

attacks to which the empire was subjected. But this cannot be the sole or<br />

complete explanation, since in Constantinople an educated elite did<br />

survive, especially in the Church where complex doctrinal arguments<br />

were still in progress, and so there should have been individuals with the<br />

capacity to compose a narrative <strong>of</strong> ecclesiastical events, if that had been<br />

regarded as desirable.<br />

<strong>Ecclesiastical</strong> historians, at least those writing from within the<br />

orthodox or approved community, had always had trouble in dealing<br />

with unresolved ecclesiastical business: Eusebius left the Arian heresy<br />

to be handled by others; Socrates, Sozomen and <strong>The</strong>odoret had similarly<br />

evaded the full complexities <strong>of</strong> the Nestorian controversy; and<br />

<strong>Evagrius</strong> records less about Christological issues in the sixth century<br />

than the disputes <strong>of</strong> the ¢fth. Any successor to <strong>Evagrius</strong> would have<br />

had to tackle the Monothelete dispute <strong>of</strong> the mid-seventh century and,<br />

even if a writer at the end <strong>of</strong> the seventh century might have felt con¢dent<br />

about reporting this controversy, the arguments about icon<br />

worship soon emerged as an equally divisive topic. Another awkward<br />

issue was the spectacular failure <strong>of</strong> the Christian empire when faced<br />

by the challenge <strong>of</strong> Islam. Eusebius’ presentation <strong>of</strong> the achievements<br />

<strong>of</strong> Constantine as pro<strong>of</strong> <strong>of</strong> the validity <strong>of</strong> the Christian message had<br />

established the precedent for ecclesiastical historians to incorporate<br />

secular events into their narrative as material which was relevant to<br />

the reporting <strong>of</strong> God’s work in the world. <strong>The</strong> author <strong>of</strong> a continuation<br />

to <strong>Evagrius</strong> would have to decide how to present the successful establishment<br />

<strong>of</strong> a rival religion. Narrative strategies could have been<br />

devised to cope with this: for example the formulation evident in<br />

Monophysite sources, that Arab successes were the consequence <strong>of</strong><br />

heresy, could have been adapted to apply to imperial support for the<br />

Monothelete formula, but there would still have been the question <strong>of</strong><br />

why God did not reward the Christians once correct belief had been<br />

restored. For a variety <strong>of</strong> reasons a providential history might have<br />

seemed too di⁄cult to contemplate.

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