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The Ecclesiastical History of Evagrius Scholasticus - Coptic ...

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ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY: BOOK IV 251<br />

the priests in all places to assent to this. And so all said that they were<br />

waiting for Anastasius, Bishop <strong>of</strong> Antioch, and diverted the initial<br />

attempt. 140<br />

40 Now Anastasius was especially skilled in sacred matters, as well as<br />

being strict in his habits and lifestyle, so that he paid attention even to<br />

extremely minute matters and in no way diverged from what was<br />

upright and established, and especially not in signi¢cant matters and<br />

ones which related to the Divinity itself. His character was so well<br />

balanced that he was neither vulnerable to what was unsuitable by being<br />

approachable and accessible, nor by being austere [191] and merciless<br />

was he inaccessible for what was necessary. And so in serious matters<br />

his ear was ready and his tongue £uent, straightaway resolving questions,<br />

but in trivial matters his ears were completely shut and a bridle checked<br />

<strong>of</strong> Halicarnassus, who was a prominent Monophysite opponent <strong>of</strong> Severus <strong>of</strong> Antioch; he<br />

taught that Christ’s body was not susceptible to corruption or su¡ering, but that Christ had<br />

voluntarily accepted su¡ering and death to save humanity. <strong>The</strong> doctrine was intended to<br />

counter the excessive emphasis on a distinction between Christ’s humanity, which experienced<br />

human emotions and su¡erings, and His divinity, which performed the miracles. It<br />

was not incompatible with the Chalcedonian position (van Esbroeck, ‘Edict’), but because<br />

it had been formulated by leading opponents <strong>of</strong> Chalcedon, such as Timothy Aelurus, it had<br />

acquired the label <strong>of</strong> anti-Chalcedonian.<br />

Earlier in Justinian’s reign Leontius <strong>of</strong> Byzantium had complained that some Chalcedonians,<br />

seduced by the word aphtharsia, ‘incorruptibility’, <strong>of</strong> which they approved, had gone<br />

over to the teachings <strong>of</strong> Severus and Julian (PG 86, col. 1317C^D); Justinian undoubtedly<br />

continued to see himself as a Chalcedonian, and probably hoped that his adoption <strong>of</strong> the<br />

belief would attract Julianists back to the mainstream fold. Carcione, ‘Giustiniano’, disputes<br />

this interpretation on the grounds that Justinian had, as recently as 562, ordered the<br />

arrest <strong>of</strong> the Alexandrian patriarch Elpidius, who then died en route to Constantinople<br />

(<strong>The</strong>ophanes 241.6^10), events which would have antagonized Monophysites. But, in all<br />

his doctrinal discussions, Justinian had tried to bring relevant leaders to Constantinople<br />

where pressure to compromise could best be applied, and Elpidius was a Gaianist (an adherent<br />

<strong>of</strong> Patriarch Gaianus, on whom see n. 27 above) who espoused the Christological<br />

views towards which Justinian was now moving. <strong>The</strong>ophanes’ notice <strong>of</strong> Elpidius’ death<br />

does not suggest that it was the result <strong>of</strong> his arrest.<br />

140 Eutychius <strong>of</strong> Constantinople was, inevitably, the ¢rst patriarch to have to respond to<br />

Justinian’s new doctrinal demands. Anastasius <strong>of</strong> Antioch summoned a meeting <strong>of</strong> the<br />

bishops in his patriarchate, and it was these who sheltered behind him. <strong>The</strong> Life <strong>of</strong> Eutychius,<br />

1175^82 (Laga = PG 86, ch. 41), singles Anastasius out for special praise, though Eutychius<br />

himself naturally took the lead; as an inhabitant <strong>of</strong> Antioch, <strong>Evagrius</strong> focuses on<br />

Anastasius and virtually ignores Eutychius: cf. Averil Cameron, ‘Eustratius’ 236^7.

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