The Ecclesiastical History of Evagrius Scholasticus - Coptic ...

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which He derived from Her. As for the expressions relating to the Lord by the evangelists and apostles, we know that the divinely inspired men employ inclusive expressions as concerning a single person and disjunctive ones as concerning two natures, and that they transmit the expressions appropriate to God in respect to the Divinity of Christ and the humble ones in respect to His humanity. To which he added: ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY: BOOK II 115 Having read these holy words of yours, we ¢nd that we too hold these opinions: one Lord, one Faith, one Baptism. And so we have glori¢ed God the saviour of all, rejoicing with each other because the churches with us and those with you hold a faith which is consistent with the divinely inspired Scriptures and the tradition of our holy Fathers. When these were read out, those in the said Synod shouted out in these terms: 197 ‘We all believe thus; Pope Leo [83] believes thus. Anathema on him who divides and him who confounds. This is the faith of Leo the archbishop, Leo believes thus, Leo and Anatolius believe thus, we all believe thus; just as Cyril we all believe thus. Eternal is the memory of Cyril; just as the letters of Cyril are, thus do we think, thus have we believed, thus do we believe. Archbishop Leo thinks thus, thus he believes, thus he has written.’ After a proposition had been introduced that the letter of Leo should also be read out, it was translated and received a reading; it is included in the transactions. 198 Then after the reading the bishops shouted out: 199 ‘This is the faith of the Fathers, this is the faith of the apostles; we all believe thus, we orthodox believe thus. Anathema on him who does not believe thus. Peter has declared this through Leo, the apostles have taught thus; piously and truthfully has Leo taught, Cyril has taught thus, Leo and Cyril have taught similarly. Anathema on him who does not believe thus. This is the true faith, the orthodox think thus, this is the faith of the Fathers. Why were these not read out at Ephesus? Dioscorus hid these.’ 197 ACO II.i.2, p. 81:7^13. 198 ACO II.i.2, p. 81:14^20; the full text of the letter is printed at ACO II.i.1, pp. 10:19^ 20:5. 199 ACO II.i.2, p. 81:23^31.
116 EVAGRIUS There is included in the said transactions that, when the part of Leo’s letter was read out which contains: 200 ‘And for the requital of the debt owed by our mortal nature, the divine nature was united with the su¡ering nature so that ^ this indeed is appropriate for our cure ^ the one and the same, being the mediator between God and men, the man Christ Jesus, 201 both could die with regard to one aspect and could not perish with regard to the other . . .’, the Illyrian and Palestinian bishops were doubtful about such a statement. 202 But Aetius, archdeacon of the [84] most holy Church of Constantine, presented a statement of Cyril which contained the following: 203 ‘Since then His own body has through the grace of God, as the apostle Paul says, tasted death on behalf of everyone, 204 He Himself is said to su¡er the death on our behalf, not as if He came to experience of death at least as concerns His own nature ^ for to say or think this is lunacy ^ but because, as I have just said, His £esh tasted death.’ And again with regard to the passage of Leo’s letter which contains: 205 ‘For, in communion with the other, each form is active in respect to what its particular nature is, the Word accomplishing that which is of the Word, while the body achieves what is of the body. And of these the former shines forth in the miracles, while the latter is 200 ACO II.i.2, pp. 81:32^82:11. The point of these exchanges is to demonstrate that agreement at Chalcedon was unanimous, and was reached after discussion and demonstration, not by coercion as Monophysite accounts asserted. 201 1 Timothy 2.5. 202 The objection was to Leo’s overstatement of the di¡erences between Christ’s natures, which might permit Christ to experience death as a man but not as God. For the attitude of the Illyrian bishops, cf. n. 170 above; Palestine was to become a bastion of Chalcedon in the East, but at the moment its bishops would have been in£uenced by the equivocations of their leader, Juvenal of Jerusalem, who had travelled to the Council as a devout supporter of Dioscorus. 203 The crucial point was to establish that there was nothing in Leo’s doctrinal exposition that was incompatible with the views of Cyril. Evagrius has deliberately quoted these passages of Leo’s Tome, which Monophysites used to prove his Nestorianism, along with the contrary assertion in the acta of their compatibility with Cyril’s writings. The problem for Chalcedonians was that the formulation of Cyril’s doctrinal expositions changed in the course of his long life, and that there were di¡erences between his earlier writings and his more conciliatory pronouncements after First Ephesus: defenders of Chalcedon urged that the later statements were authoritative, Monophysites the opposite. 204 Hebrews 2.9. 205 ACO II.i.2, p. 82:12^22.
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Translated Texts for Historians Thi
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Translated Texts for Historians Vol
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To Max, Brodie and Archie
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viii EVAGRIUS TRANSLATION AND NOTES
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ABBREVIATIONS AB = Analecta Bolland
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INTRODUCTION BIOGRAPHICAL INFORMATI
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INTRODUCTION xv property with good
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INTRODUCTION xvii the revived festi
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INTRODUCTION xix detect evidence fo
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INTRODUCTION xxi possible that it h
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INTRODUCTION xxiii Stylites the Eld
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cedents to the Council of Constanti
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have formed the basis of Eustathius
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INTRODUCTION xxix description of th
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eading of his source might have avo
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INTRODUCTION xxxiii acta in the ear
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INTRODUCTION xxxv life; and the pro
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INTRODUCTION xxxvii Chalcedon as a
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INTRODUCTION xxxix doctrinal matter
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INTRODUCTION xli an explanation tha
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INTRODUCTION xliii visited the shri
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INTRODUCTION xlv incidental admissi
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the Devil’s game, and so Evagrius
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INTRODUCTION xlix word and deed and
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unclear . . . since He knows both t
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INTRODUCTION liii though it can be
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INTRODUCTION lv long-winded to thos
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INTRODUCTION lvii (ii.1: e.g. the d
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INTRODUCTION lix imperial city’,
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INTRODUCTION lxi TEXT AND TRANSLATI
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INTRODUCTION lxiii historical and h
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2 EVAGRIUS Synod was convened at Ep
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4 EVAGRIUS 15. Concerning the war a
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6 EVAGRIUS that nothing worthy of r
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8 EVAGRIUS contrived a variation ev
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10 EVAGRIUS bishopric, 20 at the ti
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12 EVAGRIUS which the life-giving S
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14 EVAGRIUS registered. 36 Theodotu
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16 EVAGRIUS they came to an agreeme
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18 EVAGRIUS we glori¢ed God the ma
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20 EVAGRIUS it is not named explici
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22 EVAGRIUS here in this way? 65 Or
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24 EVAGRIUS from Panopolis by barba
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26 EVAGRIUS bishop of Cyzicus, took
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28 EVAGRIUS assembled at Ephesus Ju
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30 EVAGRIUS inscrutable benevolence
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32 EVAGRIUS most irrational of all,
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34 EVAGRIUS 13 In these times too t
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36 EVAGRIUS he freed him to accompl
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38 EVAGRIUS Most of this man has be
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40 EVAGRIUS So, to the left-hand si
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42 EVAGRIUS 16 Then too the venerab
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44 EVAGRIUS and the unde¢led remai
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46 EVAGRIUS 19 In the same times of
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48 EVAGRIUS Of your race and blood
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50 EVAGRIUS di¡erent, but the orga
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52 EVAGRIUS and to clothe the body
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[34] THESE ARE THE CONTENTS OF THE
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ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY: BOOK II 57
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ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY: BOOK III 16
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ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY: BOOK IV 199
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and the so-called letter of Ibas to
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And a bit later: ECCLESIASTICAL HIS
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ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY: BOOK V 255
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ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY: BOOK VI 291
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320 APPENDIX I John II 496^505 John
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APPENDIX II THE IMAGE OF EDESSA Alt
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THE IMAGE OF EDESSA 325 Procopius o
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GLOSSARY Acacian Schism. The disput
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GLOSSARY 329 hypostasis. Literally
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GLOSSARY 331 edict of 534, the here
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334 BIBLIOGRAPHY Chron. ad an. 1234
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336 BIBLIOGRAPHY öö, Discours 38^
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338 BIBLIOGRAPHY Malalas, Chronicle
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340 BIBLIOGRAPHY Slavonic Malalas;
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342 BIBLIOGRAPHY W. D. Barry, ‘Ar
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344 BIBLIOGRAPHY G. F. Chesnut, The
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346 BIBLIOGRAPHY E. K. Fowden, The
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348 BIBLIOGRAPHY E. Je¡reys (ed.),
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350 BIBLIOGRAPHY öö, The Prosopog
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352 BIBLIOGRAPHY eschatological ele
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MAPS
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The Middle East
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Constantinople
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362 Tetrapylon 85^6 Tychaeum 42 foo
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364 Ardabur (grandson) 36^7 Areobin
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366 154^5, 157^9, 162,166^7, 171^ 2
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368 Dexippus 286 Didymus the Blind
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370 Fausta, wife of Constantine 186
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372 Jerusalem, xviii, 36, 48^9, 75,
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374 Licinius, emperor 189 Limnae 14
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376 Numan, Lakhmid (590s) 314 Numid
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378 Rhodope 57 Ricimer 83^4, 99 Rom
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380 Thecla xix, 142 Theia (Teias) 2
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382 Yarmuk xliii Yazdgard I 46 Yazd
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384 Chronicon ad an.1234, cited 266
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386 sources: documents xxii^xxiii,
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388 Monophysites xix^xx, xxxvii, xl
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390 Sozomen xx, xliii, lv, lx^lxi,
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