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The Ecclesiastical History of Evagrius Scholasticus - Coptic ...

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INTRODUCTION lix<br />

imperial city’, ‘the queen <strong>of</strong> cities’, ‘the new Rome’, ‘the newer Rome’.<br />

O⁄cial positions and titles tend to be presented indirectly, as in the<br />

case <strong>of</strong> Ephrem noted above, though there are exceptions in the citation<br />

<strong>of</strong> the acta <strong>of</strong> Chalcedon (ii.18), and Longinus is described as holding<br />

‘the o⁄ce <strong>of</strong> magister, which men previously called commander <strong>of</strong><br />

the regiments at court’ (iii.29, p. 125:28^9). 115 <strong>The</strong> same applies to<br />

foreigners: the Huns are presented as Scythians (i.17, p. 26:26), or if<br />

their modern name is used it is quali¢ed as ‘the Massagetae <strong>of</strong> old’<br />

(iii.2, p. 100:10); Goths and Avars are also described as ‘Scythians’<br />

(iii.25, p. 122:10; v.1, p. 196:6^7), and the Goths perhaps as Massagetae<br />

(v.14, p. 209:31) though <strong>Evagrius</strong> is not consistent and sometimes uses<br />

the contemporary term (Gothic at iii.27, p. 124:10; Avars at vi.10, p.<br />

228:21). Such periphrases have been identi¢ed as characteristic <strong>of</strong><br />

secular historians like Agathias and <strong>The</strong>ophylact. 116 But <strong>Evagrius</strong> was<br />

also prepared to be explicit: in his description <strong>of</strong> S. Sophia he provided<br />

facts and ¢gures, which can largely be corroborated from the extant<br />

building (iv.31), and his description <strong>of</strong> the ecclesiastical complex <strong>of</strong> S.<br />

Euphemia at Chalcedon is also a clear account <strong>of</strong> the complicated<br />

structure (ii.3). 117 <strong>Evagrius</strong>’ stylistic practice cannot be encapsulated in<br />

a neat generalization.<br />

With <strong>Evagrius</strong> the late antique tradition <strong>of</strong> ecclesiastical historiography<br />

came to an end. For Allen, the explanation rested with the constraints<br />

<strong>of</strong> the genre, which <strong>Evagrius</strong> had stretched to breaking-point by his inclusion<br />

<strong>of</strong> substantial quantities <strong>of</strong> secular material and by the adoption <strong>of</strong><br />

the higher style <strong>of</strong> the classicizing secular tradition. 118 This explanation,<br />

however, seems too mechanical: it disregards the precedents provided<br />

by the ¢fth-century church historians for both these practices, the fact<br />

that much formal ecclesiastical literature was couched in a fairly rhetorical<br />

form, and the signi¢cant ways in which <strong>Evagrius</strong> reshaped his<br />

115 <strong>The</strong>re is also a partial admission <strong>of</strong> a Latin term in the description <strong>of</strong> Vitalian as<br />

‘general <strong>of</strong> one <strong>of</strong> the so-called praesental armies’ (iv.3), and curopalatus is used, with appropriate<br />

explanation at v.1. Thurmayr, Studien 11, provides a list <strong>of</strong> Latinisms, but does<br />

not distinguish between those preserved in quoted documents (the majority) and those for<br />

which <strong>Evagrius</strong> was personally responsible.<br />

116 Averil Cameron, Agathias 88.<br />

117 Caires, ‘<strong>Evagrius</strong>’ 34, compares <strong>Evagrius</strong> favourably with the vaguer descriptions <strong>of</strong><br />

buildings in Procopius’ panegyrical Buildings.<br />

118 Allen, <strong>Evagrius</strong> 69^70.

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