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Positional Neutralization - Linguistics - University of California ...

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(14) Vowel reduction in Seediq<br />

/haed/ ‘cook’<br />

-> h-m-aed -> hmaets -> [humauts], (Actor Focus)<br />

infixation d -> ts epenthesis and UVR<br />

-> haed-an -> hedan -> [huedan], (Locative Focus)<br />

suffixation a -> ø epenthesis<br />

/heyeg/ ‘stand’<br />

-> m-heyeg -> mheyew -> mheyuw 39 -> mheyu -> [meheyu] (AF)<br />

prefix g->w UVR w -> ø epenthesis, translaryngeal harmony<br />

-> h-n-eyeg -> hneyeg-an -> hnyegan -> [hunuyean] (LF, Pret.)<br />

infix suffix e -> ø epenthesis<br />

There are lexical exceptions to the pattern, but it is otherwise said to be quite<br />

general. The problem, <strong>of</strong> course, is that in an unstressed syllable which licenses the<br />

faithful realization <strong>of</strong> [i], it is difficult to imagine what would make [u] an optimal<br />

realization for unstressed /e/. /e/ -> [i] involves the change <strong>of</strong> [-high] to [+high], involved<br />

in any case in /e/ -> [u] as well. But /e/ -> [u] involves changes to [back] and [round] as<br />

well (or just [back], depending on one’s view <strong>of</strong> underspecification).<br />

The answer is that [u] is not in fact an optimal realization for /e/ under vowel<br />

reduction under any circumstances (which is to say, in comparison with [i] or []. [u] is<br />

perfectly fine from the point <strong>of</strong> view <strong>of</strong> dispersion). It is, however, the realization that a<br />

layering <strong>of</strong> sound changes in Seediq ultimately provides. There was no gradual drift <strong>of</strong><br />

39 Final -Vw simplified to -V is independently attested and is not the source <strong>of</strong> [-u] here. Other dialects<br />

retain /w/.<br />

110

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