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Positional Neutralization - Linguistics - University of California ...

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why we find such systems in Turkic and Niger-Congo, and why they are so rare<br />

otherwise.<br />

The UG-based approach to PN in initial syllables, relying as it does on<br />

psycholinguistic properties <strong>of</strong> initial material arising as a consequence <strong>of</strong> the very fact <strong>of</strong><br />

that material’s initialness, makes none <strong>of</strong> the typological predictions recorded above. In<br />

fact, it makes concrete predictions which are seen not to be born out in attested<br />

typological patterns. Were it the case that licensing asymmetries spring from the fact that<br />

it is equally important to the grammar for processing reasons to conserve all segmental<br />

contrasts for every segment in the initial syllable, we would expect equal attestation <strong>of</strong><br />

positional strength effects involving consonants and vowels. This is not the case.<br />

Furthermore, if the need to preserve vowel contrasts in initial syllables were truly<br />

enshrined universally in phonological grammar, we might expect, for example, the<br />

existence <strong>of</strong> systems <strong>of</strong> unstressed vowel reduction in which all unstressed vowels save<br />

that <strong>of</strong> the initial syllable undergo neutralizations <strong>of</strong> contrasts, while the vowel <strong>of</strong> the<br />

initial syllable, because <strong>of</strong> its psycholinguistic importance, resists the reduction process.<br />

We know there are systems in which absolute initial vowels resist reduction for phonetic<br />

reasons (Russian). We have seen numerous instances <strong>of</strong> phonetic final lengthening giving<br />

rise to patterns <strong>of</strong> final vowel resistance to reduction, both phonetic and phonological.<br />

Crosswhite (2001) provides an analysis <strong>of</strong> several systems in which the vowels <strong>of</strong> certain<br />

347

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