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final open syllables as well. Final open syllables were then (either subsequently or from the outset) subject to the type of phonetic attrition discussed above in connection with devoicing. That a combination of features affecting final vowels such as a tendency to total or partial devoicing, a drastic amplitude drop, and various instantiations of non-modal phonation types could lead to a reduction in the perception of vowel quality contrasts for final vowels (while vowels in closed final syllables might be shielded somewhat from these effects due to increased distance from the phrase-boundary) is not difficult to conceive. Some combination of various of the above should easily be enough to obscure vowel distinctions and cause reanalysis and collapse of contrasts. But why raising? Certainly breathy phonation has been associated with raising in some languages (Gordon and Ladefoged 2001: 400). Another possibility, however, one that would account for both reduction through raising and laxing of phrase-final vowels suggests itself. Take the following spectrogram, of the Russian word [blot], 'swamp', in phrase-final position. 254
(36) Russian phrase-final [blot] 'swamp' Again, Russian unstressed /a, o/ is realized anywhere from [] to [] in phrase-final position, depending on speech rate and register (i.e. on duration). In this particular instance, the vowel is significantly lengthened (particularly in comparison with a non- phrase-final vowel of this sort), measuring nearly 180 ms from onset of voicing to the last reasonable glottal pulse. The first pretonic vowel (another strong position) is only 115 ms in duration. The F1 maximum for the final vowel shows that it is in the Degree 1 reduction range, as discussed above: 595 Hz. (The first pretonic vowel here has an F1 255
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Positional Neutralization: A Phonol
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Abstract Positional Neutralization:
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Table of Contents Chapter 1. Introd
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3.6.3. Mixed Systems 224 3.6.4. Nas
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Acknowledgements The thanks I owe t
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Chapter 1. Introduction In this stu
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divorced from their phonetic origin
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neutralization such that some combi
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Pure Prominence advocates to assume
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1.1.1.1. Phonetic arbitrariness in
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1.1.2. Phonetically-driven Phonolog
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since it too brings the phonetic fo
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asymmetries are relatively unambigu
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crucial and common to all and adopt
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duration such as unstressed syllabl
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targets for F1). In environments su
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neutralized. Indeed, we would speak
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applying to a single phonological e
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(passim, but especially 1981 and 19
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will treat as the alteration or add
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lengthening, together potentially w
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through four. I conclude that the s
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sort demonstrated in Lindblom (1963
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predictable according to the phonol
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steady across UVR systems, the mapp
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inventories”, the only other opti
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direct result of the phonologizatio
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does not, therefore represent a leg
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question. The point is that the rel
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Another direction might explore the
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monomoraic and bimoraic vowels. Fro
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The preceding sections have shown t
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to perceptual proximity to one anot
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unstressed vowel (Crosswhite 2001:
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Bulgarian has six vowels in stresse
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elsewhere, depending on the informa
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Pettersson and Wood started their i
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discussed below in the context of R
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(known as ‘akanje’, ‘[a]-sayi
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neutralization occurring as a resul
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eduction of pretonic vowels as a si
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2.4. A UG-based approach to UVR typ
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formants to approach and enhance on
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Steriade in particular, in her semi
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emoval of “particularly loud and
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attract stress to sonorous vowels,
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which it is a priori impossible to
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Again, since the low vowel of preto
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If it is correct that, however, tha
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2.5.1. Facts Contemporary Standard
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compared to /a/, he writes that “
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tendency for domain-initial segment
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Each instance of the failure of red
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sentences was a real-word trisyllab
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(10) Russian second pretonic /a/, /
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vowel, and phrase-final position),
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phonetic implementations as a funct
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lengthening of vowels in first pret
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story of articulatory approximation
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pretonic syllables, however, only o
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unstressed /e/ toward [u], finally
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phonetic and phonological perspecti
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should not, and those predictions a
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position as a licenser of contrasts
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insofar as we have seen how positio
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elevant to the present study for th
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effect which is potentially univers
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word-final syllables. Still, the pr
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to be restricted in many languages
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their realizations, determined by b
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(17) Hausa medial short vowels a. [
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Penny (1969: 148-149) gives the vow
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To this we can add facts from neigh
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notion of umlaut or metaphony being
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dialects, Walker notes the differen
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position in the way that, e.g., ret
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is illustrative, but by no means ex
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d. Brazilian Portuguese (Romance) (
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h. English (Germanic)(Hammond 1997)
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hence subphonemic durational featur
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n. Timugon Murut (Austronesian, NE
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(underlying) long vowels 71 , and p
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final lengthening have detected the
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the ends of phrases. They hypothesi
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opposite pattern in both phonetic s
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With respect to the syllable-struct
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strengthened significantly, while v
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strength effects in final position,
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equivalent of unstressed vowel redu
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asymmetry plays a role as well. In
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final strength effects are often fo
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internal unstressed syllables in th
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application (in whatever form) is n
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syllable vowel (that which appeared
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unified phonologization scenario ac
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As for the non-high vowels in preto
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ack” (Kroeger 1992: 280). Kroeger
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stressed [o], preventing it from be
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schwa in normal speech (1993: 38).
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environment, deriving a number of d
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are responsible for the phonologica
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section). A second generalization w
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latter case the same feature is imp
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well-known, for example, that short
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language Dasenech (Sasse 1976), wou
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Another possibility is that devoici
Page 213 and 214: contexts, however, h-epenthesis is
Page 215 and 216: supralaryngeal strengthening in thi
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Page 221 and 222: contradictions this entails describ
Page 223 and 224: preceding consonants, etc.). It see
Page 225 and 226: Gordon and Ladefoged mention alloph
Page 227 and 228: In other words, the creak appears o
Page 229 and 230: phrase-final devoicing seems to be
Page 231 and 232: targeted, and hence realized as glo
Page 233 and 234: their common properties, restoring
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Page 237 and 238: (Brame 1972), and D’irayta (Haywa
Page 239 and 240: monolithic weakening environment. H
Page 241 and 242: Another study, in fact, that of Vas
Page 243 and 244: velic opening. There has been much
Page 245 and 246: The same pattern is found in anothe
Page 247 and 248: lengthening-plus-intrinsic-nasaliza
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Page 253 and 254: . Ongota (affiliation uncertain - C
Page 255 and 256: combination of phonetic strengtheni
Page 257 and 258: mentioned. Often deletion is preced
Page 259 and 260: f. Kandahari Pashto (Elfenbein 1997
Page 261 and 262: for some speakers of Brazilian Port
Page 263: discussion of devoicing, above, tha
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Page 271 and 272: Avoidance of length contrasts word-
Page 273 and 274: While the non-finality of stress ap
Page 275 and 276: points out the case of Luganda (Hym
Page 277 and 278: syllables are apparently required t
Page 279 and 280: with non-modal phonation or devoici
Page 281 and 282: 3.7.2. Final short vowel avoidance
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Page 285 and 286: e considered from a crosslinguistic
Page 287 and 288: Chapter 4. Initial Syllables Domain
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Page 297 and 298: eason to favor the one strategy ove
Page 299 and 300: Before turning to the attested case
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Page 309 and 310: assumption that in providing a comp
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low mid vowels to become unpredicta
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of the typology of initial-syllable
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there could in principle be a phone
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ackness of non-initial vowels is ge
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fricatives, which in retrospect may
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(44) Mean vowel durations for Engli
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initial strengthening in languages
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Word-initial: U[Phr[istanbuldaki W[
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syllables than the other speakers.
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Concerning the language-specific na
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4.5.3. Consequences of domain-initi
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All these cases, while not in fact
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in chapter 2, however, among the un
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advice for teachers of non-standard
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Inkelas et al. (2001), building on
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demonstrated above, however, initia
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Assuming now that Vowels 1 and 2 in
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This account derives palatal vowel
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vowels in Luganda and Runyambo. Hub
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the UVR systems of Yakan, Timugon M
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4.6. Summary In this chapter I have
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why we find such systems in Turkic
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Chapter 5. Conclusions 5.1. Phonolo
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perfectly understandable in the pho
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as the durational asymmetries in qu
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model of phonetics-phonology incorp
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of effort necessary to reach a low
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(specified by Minimum Distance cons
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duration for /a/~/o/ in this positi
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unstressed syllables in a given lan
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patterns such as those treated in t
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References Abondolo, Daniel. 1998a.
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Balasubramanian, T. 1981. Duration
Page 381 and 382:
Blevins, Juliette. 1993. A tonal an
Page 383 and 384:
Browman, Catherine P. and Louis Gol
Page 385 and 386:
Chen, Matthew. 1973. Nasals and nas
Page 387 and 388:
Dauer, Rebecca M. 1987. Phonetic an
Page 389 and 390:
Farnetani, Edda and Shiro Kori. 199
Page 391 and 392:
Garrett, Andrew and Juliette Blevin
Page 393 and 394:
Hayes, Bruce. 1997. Phonetically-dr
Page 395 and 396:
Hyde, Villiana. 1971. An introducti
Page 397 and 398:
Janiak, BronisΩawa. 1995. Polsko-U
Page 399 and 400:
Keating, Patricia, Richard Wright a
Page 401 and 402:
Kroeger, Paul. 1992. Vowel harmony
Page 403 and 404:
Liphola, Marcelino M. 2001. Aspects
Page 405 and 406:
Miller, Carolyn. 1993 Kadazan/Dusun
Page 407 and 408:
Nord, Lennart. 1987. Acoustic studi
Page 409 and 410:
Penny, Ralph. 1986. Sandhi phenomen
Page 411 and 412:
Rietveld, A. C. M. and U. H. Frauen
Page 413 and 414:
Schuh, Russell G. and Lawan D. Yalw
Page 415 and 416:
Steriade, Donca. 2001. Directional
Page 417 and 418:
Tuttle, Siri. 2000. Duration, inton
Page 419 and 420:
Wolgemuth, Carl. 1969. Isthmus Vera
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