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Positional Neutralization - Linguistics - University of California ...

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unified phonologization scenario accounting for the development <strong>of</strong> a range <strong>of</strong> systems <strong>of</strong><br />

Final Strength effects, relating them one to another in the process. But we have yet to<br />

discuss what is perhaps the most crucial factor in accounting for the ambiguous status <strong>of</strong><br />

final position within the typology <strong>of</strong> <strong>Positional</strong> <strong>Neutralization</strong>. This is the alarming (in<br />

terms <strong>of</strong> the discussion so far) propensity for phonetic and phonological weakening to<br />

occur in those very same syllables, whose propensity for strengthening we have just<br />

reviewed in some detail.<br />

3.5. On assumptions concerning licensing capacity and phonetic prominence<br />

All the instances <strong>of</strong> phonological final resistance seen in the catalogue in (20)<br />

above (§3.2.3) are cases in which more than one position within the word fails to undergo<br />

some reduction or assimilation process, and in each case the exceptional positions have<br />

also shared the characteristic <strong>of</strong> heavy relatively longer phonetic durations than the<br />

reducing or assimilating positions. The case <strong>of</strong> Brazilian Portuguese, for speakers for<br />

whom both pre- and posttonic reduction is phonologized, even has three distinct levels <strong>of</strong><br />

licensing capacity (stressed, pretonic and posttonic), which correspond directly to three<br />

characteristic degrees <strong>of</strong> phonetic length. The case <strong>of</strong> the Pasiego Spanish tense/lax<br />

contrast was presented above as evidence <strong>of</strong> the danger present in assuming automatically<br />

that the ability to license additional contrasts in a system must be correlated with an<br />

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