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Positional Neutralization - Linguistics - University of California ...

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that psycholinguistic status is in some way responsible for the fact that final syllables are<br />

phonetically prominent in the first place (though <strong>of</strong> course given that final lengthening<br />

appears to be primarily a phrasal rather than a lexical process, this seems unlikely). Be<br />

this as it may, I claim here that the specific phonetic characteristics <strong>of</strong> segments realized<br />

in final position which give rise to crosslinguistic regularities in the forms and<br />

distributions <strong>of</strong> final strength effects. It is therefore these phonetic characteristics to<br />

which we must turn for an explanation <strong>of</strong> those regularities.<br />

3.3. Why Final Strength is different from Stressed Syllable Strength<br />

At this point it is possible to return to the two general approaches to <strong>Positional</strong><br />

<strong>Neutralization</strong> sketched and contrasted in Chapters 1 and 2. For stressed syllables a<br />

phonetically-motivated approach like Licensing-by-Cue, despite the serious failings it<br />

was shown to have in Chapter 2, does at least make the prediction that vowel reduction<br />

should occur most readily in languages in which duration is a primary cue for stress, a<br />

prediction which a purely structural approach obviously fails to make. Here too the two<br />

approaches differ in the degree <strong>of</strong> success they enjoy in accounting for the typological<br />

regularities observed in the patterns and distributions <strong>of</strong> phonological strength effects.<br />

The purely structural account <strong>of</strong> PN, which we may call the Monolithic Strength<br />

approach, again does not predict the existence <strong>of</strong> regular restrictions on the nature <strong>of</strong><br />

164

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