Positional Neutralization - Linguistics - University of California ...

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Kirchner, Robert. 1998. An effort-based appoach to consonant lenition. Ph.D. Dissertation, University of California, Los Angeles. Klatt, Dennis H. 1975. Vowel lengthening is syntactically determined in a connected discourse. Journal of Phonetics 3: 129-140. Klatt, Dennis H. 1976. Linguistic uses of segmental duration in English: Acoustic and perceptual evidence. Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 59, 5: 1208-1221. Kohler, K. J. 1983. Prosodic boundary signals in German. Phonetica 40: 89-134. Konrot, A. K. 1981. Physical correlates of linguistic stress in Turkish. University of Essex Language Centre Occasional Papers 24: 26-53. Kopkalli-Yavuz, Handan. 2000. Paper presented at the International Congress of Turkish Linguistics, Istanbul, August 2000. Krakow, R. A. 1993. Nonsegmental influences on velum movement patterns: syllables, sentences, stress, and speaking rate. Nasals, nasalization, and the velum: Phonetics and Phonology V, ed. by Marie K. Huffman and Rena A. Krakow, 87-116. San Diego, CA: Academic Presss. Krakow, R. A., Bell-Berti, F., and Q. Wang. 1991. Supralaryngeal patterns of declination: labial and velar kinematics. Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 90: Krishnamurti, Bh. and Brett A. Benham. 1998. Konda. The Dravidian Languages, ed. by Sanford B. Steever, 241-269. London, Routledge. 390
Kroeger, Paul. 1992. Vowel harmony systems in three Sabahan languages. Shifting patterns of language use in Borneo: Papers from the second bi-ennial Internationational Conference, Kota Kinabalu, Sabah, Malaysia, July, 1992, ed. by Peter W. Martin, 279-296. Kota Kinabalu: Borneo Research Council. Kroeger, Paul. 1993. Kimaragang Phonemics. Phonological descriptions of Sabah languages, ed. by Boutin, Michael E. and Inka Pekkanen, 31-45. Kota Kinabalu: Sabah Museum. Kwenzi Mickala, Jérome. 1980. Esquisse phonologique du punu. Éléments de description du punu, ed. by Francois Nsukka, 7-18. Lyon: Université Lyon. Ladefoged, Peter and Ian Maddieson. 1996. The sounds of the world’s languages. Oxford: Blackwell. Lahiri, Aditi and Jorge Hankamer. 1988. The timing of geminate consonants. Journal of Phonetics 16: 327-338. Lavoie, Lisa. 2001. Consonant Strength: Phonological Patterns and Phonetic Manifestations. New York: Garland. Lea, Wayne A. 1977. Acoustic correlates of stress and juncture. Studies in Stress and Accent, ed. by Larry M. Hyman, 83-119. Los Angeles: Southern California Occasional Papers in Linguistics. Lehiste, Ilse. 1970. Suprasegmentals. Cambridge: The M.I.T. Press. 391
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Positional Neutralization: A Phonol
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Abstract Positional Neutralization:
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Table of Contents Chapter 1. Introd
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3.6.3. Mixed Systems 224 3.6.4. Nas
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Acknowledgements The thanks I owe t
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Chapter 1. Introduction In this stu
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divorced from their phonetic origin
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neutralization such that some combi
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Pure Prominence advocates to assume
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1.1.1.1. Phonetic arbitrariness in
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1.1.2. Phonetically-driven Phonolog
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since it too brings the phonetic fo
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asymmetries are relatively unambigu
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crucial and common to all and adopt
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duration such as unstressed syllabl
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targets for F1). In environments su
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neutralized. Indeed, we would speak
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applying to a single phonological e
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(passim, but especially 1981 and 19
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will treat as the alteration or add
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lengthening, together potentially w
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through four. I conclude that the s
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sort demonstrated in Lindblom (1963
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predictable according to the phonol
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steady across UVR systems, the mapp
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inventories”, the only other opti
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direct result of the phonologizatio
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does not, therefore represent a leg
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question. The point is that the rel
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Another direction might explore the
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monomoraic and bimoraic vowels. Fro
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The preceding sections have shown t
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to perceptual proximity to one anot
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unstressed vowel (Crosswhite 2001:
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Bulgarian has six vowels in stresse
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elsewhere, depending on the informa
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Pettersson and Wood started their i
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discussed below in the context of R
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(known as ‘akanje’, ‘[a]-sayi
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neutralization occurring as a resul
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eduction of pretonic vowels as a si
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2.4. A UG-based approach to UVR typ
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formants to approach and enhance on
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Steriade in particular, in her semi
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emoval of “particularly loud and
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attract stress to sonorous vowels,
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which it is a priori impossible to
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Again, since the low vowel of preto
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If it is correct that, however, tha
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2.5.1. Facts Contemporary Standard
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compared to /a/, he writes that “
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tendency for domain-initial segment
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Each instance of the failure of red
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sentences was a real-word trisyllab
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(10) Russian second pretonic /a/, /
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vowel, and phrase-final position),
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phonetic implementations as a funct
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lengthening of vowels in first pret
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story of articulatory approximation
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pretonic syllables, however, only o
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unstressed /e/ toward [u], finally
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phonetic and phonological perspecti
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should not, and those predictions a
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position as a licenser of contrasts
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insofar as we have seen how positio
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elevant to the present study for th
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effect which is potentially univers
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word-final syllables. Still, the pr
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to be restricted in many languages
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their realizations, determined by b
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(17) Hausa medial short vowels a. [
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Penny (1969: 148-149) gives the vow
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To this we can add facts from neigh
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notion of umlaut or metaphony being
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dialects, Walker notes the differen
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position in the way that, e.g., ret
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is illustrative, but by no means ex
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d. Brazilian Portuguese (Romance) (
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h. English (Germanic)(Hammond 1997)
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hence subphonemic durational featur
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n. Timugon Murut (Austronesian, NE
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(underlying) long vowels 71 , and p
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final lengthening have detected the
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the ends of phrases. They hypothesi
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opposite pattern in both phonetic s
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With respect to the syllable-struct
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strengthened significantly, while v
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strength effects in final position,
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equivalent of unstressed vowel redu
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asymmetry plays a role as well. In
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final strength effects are often fo
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internal unstressed syllables in th
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application (in whatever form) is n
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syllable vowel (that which appeared
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unified phonologization scenario ac
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As for the non-high vowels in preto
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ack” (Kroeger 1992: 280). Kroeger
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stressed [o], preventing it from be
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schwa in normal speech (1993: 38).
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environment, deriving a number of d
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are responsible for the phonologica
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section). A second generalization w
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latter case the same feature is imp
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well-known, for example, that short
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language Dasenech (Sasse 1976), wou
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Another possibility is that devoici
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contexts, however, h-epenthesis is
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supralaryngeal strengthening in thi
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inherently problematic from a produ
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lengthening in Dutch by Cambier-Lan
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contradictions this entails describ
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preceding consonants, etc.). It see
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Gordon and Ladefoged mention alloph
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In other words, the creak appears o
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phrase-final devoicing seems to be
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targeted, and hence realized as glo
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their common properties, restoring
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when following voiced consonants or
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(Brame 1972), and D’irayta (Haywa
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monolithic weakening environment. H
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Another study, in fact, that of Vas
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velic opening. There has been much
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The same pattern is found in anothe
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lengthening-plus-intrinsic-nasaliza
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commonly enough resolved with glott
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nasal consonant, and the vowel rema
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. Ongota (affiliation uncertain - C
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combination of phonetic strengtheni
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mentioned. Often deletion is preced
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f. Kandahari Pashto (Elfenbein 1997
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for some speakers of Brazilian Port
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discussion of devoicing, above, tha
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(36) Russian phrase-final [blot] 's
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drastically decreased, as an alread
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lengthening the latter parts of the
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Avoidance of length contrasts word-
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While the non-finality of stress ap
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points out the case of Luganda (Hym
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syllables are apparently required t
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with non-modal phonation or devoici
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3.7.2. Final short vowel avoidance
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generally between 95 and 125 in the
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e considered from a crosslinguistic
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Chapter 4. Initial Syllables Domain
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know of the relevant phonetic facts
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lengthening or lowering the sonorit
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asymmetries it carries, is what Smi
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phonological licensing in question
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eason to favor the one strategy ove
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Before turning to the attested case
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initial consonant serves to enhance
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existence of the former, and I will
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since the majority of phonological
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eduction to schwa in Russian and in
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assumption that in providing a comp
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initial and non-initial vowels from
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durational asymmetry was absent alt
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low mid vowels to become unpredicta
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of the typology of initial-syllable
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there could in principle be a phone
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ackness of non-initial vowels is ge
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fricatives, which in retrospect may
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(44) Mean vowel durations for Engli
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initial strengthening in languages
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Word-initial: U[Phr[istanbuldaki W[
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syllables than the other speakers.
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Concerning the language-specific na
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4.5.3. Consequences of domain-initi
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All these cases, while not in fact
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in chapter 2, however, among the un
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advice for teachers of non-standard
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Inkelas et al. (2001), building on
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demonstrated above, however, initia
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Assuming now that Vowels 1 and 2 in
Page 349 and 350: This account derives palatal vowel
Page 351 and 352: vowels in Luganda and Runyambo. Hub
Page 353 and 354: the UVR systems of Yakan, Timugon M
Page 355 and 356: 4.6. Summary In this chapter I have
Page 357 and 358: why we find such systems in Turkic
Page 359 and 360: Chapter 5. Conclusions 5.1. Phonolo
Page 361 and 362: perfectly understandable in the pho
Page 363 and 364: as the durational asymmetries in qu
Page 365 and 366: model of phonetics-phonology incorp
Page 367 and 368: of effort necessary to reach a low
Page 369 and 370: (specified by Minimum Distance cons
Page 371 and 372: duration for /a/~/o/ in this positi
Page 373 and 374: unstressed syllables in a given lan
Page 375 and 376: patterns such as those treated in t
Page 377 and 378: References Abondolo, Daniel. 1998a.
Page 379 and 380: Balasubramanian, T. 1981. Duration
Page 381 and 382: Blevins, Juliette. 1993. A tonal an
Page 383 and 384: Browman, Catherine P. and Louis Gol
Page 385 and 386: Chen, Matthew. 1973. Nasals and nas
Page 387 and 388: Dauer, Rebecca M. 1987. Phonetic an
Page 389 and 390: Farnetani, Edda and Shiro Kori. 199
Page 391 and 392: Garrett, Andrew and Juliette Blevin
Page 393 and 394: Hayes, Bruce. 1997. Phonetically-dr
Page 395 and 396: Hyde, Villiana. 1971. An introducti
Page 397 and 398: Janiak, BronisΩawa. 1995. Polsko-U
Page 399: Keating, Patricia, Richard Wright a
Page 403 and 404: Liphola, Marcelino M. 2001. Aspects
Page 405 and 406: Miller, Carolyn. 1993 Kadazan/Dusun
Page 407 and 408: Nord, Lennart. 1987. Acoustic studi
Page 409 and 410: Penny, Ralph. 1986. Sandhi phenomen
Page 411 and 412: Rietveld, A. C. M. and U. H. Frauen
Page 413 and 414: Schuh, Russell G. and Lawan D. Yalw
Page 415 and 416: Steriade, Donca. 2001. Directional
Page 417 and 418: Tuttle, Siri. 2000. Duration, inton
Page 419 and 420: Wolgemuth, Carl. 1969. Isthmus Vera
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