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Positional Neutralization - Linguistics - University of California ...

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targeted, and hence realized as glottalization proper, with the tightly adducted vocal folds<br />

we would expect <strong>of</strong> it. At this point, a rise in subglottal pressure such as that associated<br />

with stress or emphasis would come to increase the perceptual robustness <strong>of</strong> the<br />

creakiness (and glottal occlusion if there is one), yielding the patterns described above. It<br />

is important to bear in mind at this point that, as before, “phonologized” does not<br />

necessarily mean “phonemicized”. The emphatic glottal stop in Tokyo Japanese, for<br />

example is “non-distinctive” according to Vance. This seems to be the case quite<br />

frequently here 97 . If the resulting configuration is non-contrastive, and it plays no obvious<br />

role in other aspects <strong>of</strong> the lexical or categorical phonology, there is no reason to assume<br />

the workings here <strong>of</strong> anything other than the phonetics, as outlined in Chapter 1. Which is<br />

to say, this glottalization, despite being independently targeted, may nonetheless have no<br />

direct representation in the phonology beyond the cooccurrence <strong>of</strong> a word-final vowel<br />

and a phrase-boundary.<br />

This fairly innocuous conclusion, however, has certain peculiar consequences for<br />

some models <strong>of</strong> the phonetic component. We have been assuming, with Keating (1996),<br />

that the phonetic component must be capable <strong>of</strong> representation varying degrees <strong>of</strong><br />

specification <strong>of</strong> a given feature. A narrow specification (or target window), <strong>of</strong>ten<br />

misleadingly called “categorical” implementation, allows little contextual variation, while<br />

97 And almost exclusively in the case <strong>of</strong> devoicing.<br />

221

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