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Positional Neutralization - Linguistics - University of California ...

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enough implementation <strong>of</strong> phrase-final lengthening, gradient phrase-final resistance à la<br />

Russian or Brazilian Portuguese is present from the outset <strong>of</strong> the development <strong>of</strong> vowel<br />

reduction, emerging automatically as a consequence <strong>of</strong> the duration-dependent reduction<br />

<strong>of</strong> vowels 80 .<br />

The second stage is marked by the phonologization <strong>of</strong> part or all <strong>of</strong> the word-<br />

internal reduction pattern. In Uyghur, for example, word-internal vowel raising is already<br />

categorical. It occurs in that position whenever its structural description is met, regardless<br />

<strong>of</strong> the physical duration <strong>of</strong> the segments involved (as evidenced by the raising <strong>of</strong> new<br />

long vowels from compensatory lengthening). In word-final position, however, the<br />

process is still gradient and rate-dependent, taking place when the vowel is shorter<br />

(phrase internally or in fast speech), and meeting resistance when the vowel is longer<br />

(phrase-final position or in careful speech). In such a system, then, the internal<br />

categorical reduction pattern is an innovation, while the final-syllable gradient pattern is a<br />

relic from a previous system. It is appropriate at this point to wonder why it should be<br />

that the reduction effect is phonologized only word-internally, leaving a gradient effect in<br />

the final syllable, while the reverse seems not to occur. As noted above, phonologization<br />

<strong>of</strong> an effect is most likely where that effect is robust and consistent. This is the case for<br />

80 Referring <strong>of</strong> course only to the Degree Two gradient reduction patterns <strong>of</strong> these latter, the Degree One<br />

patterns being categorical in both.<br />

172

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