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Positional Neutralization - Linguistics - University of California ...

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utterance final phrases with no F0 contour marking the end <strong>of</strong> the phrase, more<br />

lengthening in non-utterance final phrases with boundaries marked by a clear F0 contour,<br />

and the most lengthening <strong>of</strong> all utterance-finally. Ueyama finds more pre-boundary<br />

lengthening in Japanese Intonational Phrases than in lower-level Accentual Phrases.<br />

While Beckman and Edwards 1990 report a certain degree <strong>of</strong> (phrase-internal) word-final<br />

lengthening in English, this lengthening is clearly less robust both in degree and<br />

consistency <strong>of</strong> application than is the pre-boundary lengthening they detect at the ends <strong>of</strong><br />

higher-level phrases. The implicational statement following from this observation seems<br />

valid for all languages in which final lengthening has been measured or described: the<br />

occurrence <strong>of</strong> lengthening before a lower-level domain boundary implies the occurrence<br />

<strong>of</strong> lengthening at all higher levels. As will be shown below, this pattern is mirrored in the<br />

crosslinguistic distribution <strong>of</strong> positional neutralization effects involving final position as<br />

well: if a domain-final effect applies before a phrase-internal word-boundary, it will<br />

apply when that word boundary coincides with higher-level phrase boundaries as well.<br />

The reverse is not the case.<br />

Additional phonetic characteristics <strong>of</strong> final lengthening, in particular issues<br />

concerning its articulatory implementation and domain <strong>of</strong> application, will be discussed<br />

later on in this chapter in connection with the phonological patterns to which they are<br />

relevant. For now it is sufficient to characterize domain-final lengthening as a phonetic<br />

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