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Positional Neutralization - Linguistics - University of California ...

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(specified by Minimum Distance constraints), after which there is a break in the<br />

continuum following which neutralization must occur, and for all durations below a<br />

certain boundary mid vowels will simply be realized as high vowels. We picture an /e/<br />

which becomes gradually more and more [i]-like down to X ms., after which realizations<br />

jump from [i] minus Y Hz at X ms straight to [i] at X + 1 ms. But no such systems seem<br />

to exist. Rather, systems are either neutralizing or non-neutralizing, phonologized or<br />

unphonologized, as detailed in Chapter 2. Russian /o/ does not become gradually more<br />

[a]-like in unstressed syllables until it reaches the threshold <strong>of</strong> contrastibility and leaps to<br />

become identical to /a/. It is simply realized in the same distribution as /a/ in all<br />

unstressed syllables regardless <strong>of</strong> duration. I argued in Chapter 2 that this is because after<br />

phonologization a neutralization process is nothing more than the substitution <strong>of</strong> one<br />

abstract symbol for another in a given structurally-definable position, completely<br />

divorced from whatever phonetic trends or pressures may ultimately have given rise to<br />

the phonologization in question.<br />

What all this means is that when we speak <strong>of</strong> direct reference to phonetics in the<br />

phonology, we cannot mean this literally at the level <strong>of</strong> the individual token in speech<br />

production. Some relativizing or generalizing process must be able to intervene, such that<br />

the phonetic representations and values the grammar evaluates are actually more like<br />

statistical generalizations over distributions <strong>of</strong> concrete tokens, rather than values for the<br />

359

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