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Positional Neutralization - Linguistics - University of California ...

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<strong>of</strong> Creek unexplained. Were this all simply a matter <strong>of</strong> phrase-final vowels lengthening<br />

while still reducing to the same degree as phrase-internal vowels, it would be possible to<br />

account for the application <strong>of</strong> reduction in the presence <strong>of</strong> lengthening through<br />

phonologization, as the generalization <strong>of</strong> spectral targets from the phrase-internal variants<br />

<strong>of</strong> word-final vowels to all tokens <strong>of</strong> those vowels regardless <strong>of</strong> phrasal position or<br />

duration. As noted above, Major (1985) argues precisely this to have taken place for<br />

those speakers <strong>of</strong> Brazilian Portuguese who have generalized reduction <strong>of</strong> the mid vowels<br />

to [i] and [u] even in phrase-final lengthening contexts 75 . Even this, however, fails to<br />

resolve the entire problem: a number <strong>of</strong> languages show reduction <strong>of</strong> vowels only or<br />

especially in phrase-final position. Here it is clear that no such generalization has taken<br />

place. The phrase-final syllable is simply weaker phonetically than the non-phrase-final.<br />

Two examples <strong>of</strong> languages apparently displaying this pattern <strong>of</strong> phrase-final reduction<br />

have already been cited 76 . I will return to this problem below in discussion <strong>of</strong> final<br />

weakening effects. For now it is enough to note that if a process <strong>of</strong> supralaryngeal final<br />

fade exists at all, it is far from universal, given the abundant attestation <strong>of</strong> the very<br />

75<br />

In Bulgarian, for example, phrase-internal word-final unstressed vowels are generally extremely short,<br />

moreso even than other unstressed vowels. In phrase-final position, however, those vowels undergo<br />

lengthening. This could then be another such case. I have not located any claim in the literature<br />

documenting Final Resistance in Bulgarian, nor have I noticed it impressionistically in my work with the<br />

language. Of course, neither <strong>of</strong> these facts necessarily means that it does not exist.<br />

76<br />

Eastern Andalusian Spanish, where Sanders (1994: 118) claims that phrase-final vowels undergo an<br />

especially strong degree <strong>of</strong> reduction, and Pugliese dialects <strong>of</strong> Italian, where posttonic vowels reduce to<br />

schwa but are retained, while phrase-final schwa is deleted (Loporcaro 1997: 340-341).<br />

158

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