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Positional Neutralization - Linguistics - University of California ...

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durational asymmetry between lexically stressed and unstressed vowels, even if the<br />

stressed syllable does not ultimately carry a nuclear pitch accent. This asymmetry is thus<br />

present in all potential tokens <strong>of</strong> a given lexical form. Final lengthening, on the other<br />

hand, the phonetic source <strong>of</strong> Final Strength effects, has been shown in many if not all<br />

languages to be strongest and most consistent before higher-level phrase boundaries<br />

(such <strong>of</strong> those <strong>of</strong> IP or Utterance). At the word level, by contrast, final lengthening is<br />

<strong>of</strong>ten realized inconsistently and to a much weaker degree than in phrase-final syllables.<br />

In Italian, in fact, Farnetani and Kori 1990 claim that consistent, robust final lengthening<br />

takes place only utterance finally, with the phrase-final effect being somewhat ephemeral<br />

and less consistent (a pattern which they attribute to the “syllable-timed” rhythm <strong>of</strong> the<br />

language). This means ultimately that relatively few tokens <strong>of</strong> a given lexical form will<br />

be pronounced with substantial final lengthening. While the consistency <strong>of</strong> the durational<br />

asymmetry between lexically stressed and unstressed vowels then makes this pattern an<br />

extremely likely candidate for eventual phonologization (as categorical vowel reduction),<br />

the opposite pattern for final lengthening makes phonologization less likely, with any<br />

effect to development <strong>of</strong>ten remaining gradient and phrase-level indefinitely (as in<br />

Uyghur).<br />

While the degree <strong>of</strong> any positional durational asymmetry is thus at the word level<br />

greater in the stressed/unstressed pair than in the final/non-final, the nature <strong>of</strong> the<br />

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