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Positional Neutralization - Linguistics - University of California ...

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intended pronunciation, constructs a new representation for the form in question: / v/. In<br />

the metaphony case, then, a sequence /éCi#/ would perhaps include some raising <strong>of</strong> the<br />

tonic mid vowel as a result <strong>of</strong> vowel-to-vowel coarticulation. A correct interpretation <strong>of</strong><br />

the speaker’s intentions would attribute the raising effect to the following high vowel and<br />

parse the tonic vowel as mid regardless. The final high vowel, however, occurs in a<br />

position in which accurate perception is impeded by the phonetic weakening effects<br />

discussed above. It is possible, then, that a listener could misperceive the /éCi/ sequence<br />

such that he or she failed to attribute the coarticulatory raising to a following high vowel,<br />

reconstructing the speaker’s intended production instead to be an actual stressed high<br />

vowel in the penultimate syllable 52 .<br />

Another, synchronically-oriented approach to weak-to-strong harmony patterns is<br />

that <strong>of</strong> Walker (2001). In treating, inter alia, the metaphony patterns found in Italian<br />

52 This scenario is not without complications. It is most convincing, to my mind, in instances where the<br />

conditioning environment for the change is actually lost, a result <strong>of</strong> the perceptual failure preventing correct<br />

attribution <strong>of</strong> the coarticulatory effect. In the metaphony case (and others), however, the conditioning<br />

environment is not lost. Ohala (1993: 246-247) suggests that in such cases the listener might perceive both<br />

segments accurately, but lack the experience to attribute the coarticulatory effect to its actual source (e.g.,<br />

the listener is a child, still acquiring the phonological patterns <strong>of</strong> the language). One problem here is that it<br />

makes clear predictions about differences between child-initiated and adult-initiated sound changes, which,<br />

to the extent that these are distinguishable, are wanting in empirical substantiation. Another problem is that<br />

the acquisition-based explanation makes irrelevant the fact that the trigger for such changes is in a<br />

perceptually-non-optimal environment (or is actually weakened itself articulatorily), but surely this is not<br />

accidental. The seeds <strong>of</strong> a resolution to this problem may lie in another aspect <strong>of</strong> this type <strong>of</strong> change. In<br />

Ohala’s conception, the listener’s new UR for a given item will <strong>of</strong>ten give rise to lexical doublets<br />

(assuming the listener does at least occasionally parse this item correctly). It is possible to imagine in such<br />

instances a process <strong>of</strong> leveling across competing representations leading to forms containing both the<br />

misparsed target and the original trigger <strong>of</strong> the change. One is reminded in this connection <strong>of</strong> the exemplarbased<br />

models <strong>of</strong> the lexicon defended in, e.g., Pierrehumbert 2001). These problems await resolution.<br />

138

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