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Positional Neutralization - Linguistics - University of California ...

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e considered from a crosslinguistic perspective either monolithically strong or<br />

monolithically weak in terms <strong>of</strong> their potential to license vowel contrasts. Indeed, they<br />

may exhibit this schizophrenic licensing potential even within a single system, such as in<br />

Nanai, where final syllables are strong for the licensing <strong>of</strong> nasality, but weak for<br />

pharyngealization contrasts. This is a serious challenge to theories <strong>of</strong> positional<br />

neutralization which assume that the phonological strength or weakness <strong>of</strong> structural<br />

positions is specified in Universal Grammar. At best strength or weakness in final<br />

position is a parameter which must be set on a language-specific, inductively-determined<br />

basis. This fact about final syllables also gives us reason to question whether it is truly<br />

necessary for strength or weakness to be predetermined by UG in any other position<br />

either. Given that patterns <strong>of</strong> strength or weakness will arise in each position through the<br />

phonologization <strong>of</strong> phonetic patterns occurring there independently <strong>of</strong> phonological<br />

licensing restrictions, it is not clear what such restrictions in Universal Grammar are<br />

contributing to the situation. Where phonetic patterns are consistently oriented toward a<br />

single perceptual pr<strong>of</strong>ile, robust or obscure, phonological patterns in that position will be<br />

equally uniform (as in, e.g., stressed syllables). Where the phonetic picture is more<br />

equivocal, however, phonologization will yield a typological range <strong>of</strong> patterns which is<br />

equally ambiguous, as the facts <strong>of</strong> final syllables have made clear.<br />

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