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Positional Neutralization - Linguistics - University of California ...

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initial and non-initial vowels from sources other than stress. This discussion leads into<br />

4.5, which presents experimental evidence <strong>of</strong> initial-syllable vowel lengthening from<br />

initial strengthening in Turkish, and details a hypothesis as to how this small durational<br />

asymmetry could ultimately lead to the phonologization <strong>of</strong> vowel harmony.<br />

4.4.1. Initial syllables in languages with fixed initial stress<br />

Beckman 1998 notes that initial-syllable phonological strength effects are<br />

robustly attested in the harmony systems <strong>of</strong> Turkic, Tungusic, Mongolian, Finno-Ugric,<br />

and Bantu (Beckman 1998: 54), to which she adds also the surface-inventory reducing<br />

patterns <strong>of</strong> Tamil and Dhangar-Kurux. I will assume for the sake <strong>of</strong> argument that the<br />

first four <strong>of</strong> these families showing initial-syllable strength effects do not derive from a<br />

common ancestor in which the strength effects were already present. Others, such as<br />

Poppe (1960), would disagree, reconstructing some form <strong>of</strong> harmony in the proto-<br />

language from which all this families are claimed to be derived. I will also assume that<br />

their geographic contiguity is irrelevant to the explanation <strong>of</strong> the phonological patterns.<br />

Steriade 1994 also lists asymmetries in initial syllable/non-initial syllable licensing in a<br />

variety <strong>of</strong> Uralic and Altaic languages as well as Tiv and Gokana. The licensing<br />

asymmetries in all <strong>of</strong> these are clear enough in the descriptions. The problem, however,<br />

in all these cases, excluding <strong>of</strong> course the Niger-Congo examples, is that in each <strong>of</strong> these<br />

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