Positional Neutralization - Linguistics - University of California ...

does not, therefore represent a legitimate instance of a (phonetically-driven) UVR system
based on the elimination of roundness contrasts in unstressed syllables. Again, though,
this is no reason not to consider it such in synchrony. Ob-Ugrian vowel systems are
fascinating and richly deserving of increased attention by phonologists.
Another putative instance of a UVR system based on the elimination of palatality
contrasts are the Upper and Lower Carniolan dialects of Slovenian as described by
Lencek (1982: 146-151) and cited in Crosswhite (2001). In these dialects, which contrast
short and long vowels, the short high vowels /i/ and /u/ fall together with underlying //
(in Upper Carniolan underlying schwa has a tendency to delete altogether). Crucially,
though, these mergers are not related to the placement of stress, but are rather
unconditioned mergers of these three short vowels in both stressed and unstressed
positions. Among Lencek’s examples are even such stressed monosyllables as Upper
Carniolan [nt] (cf. Standard Slovene [nit]) and Lower Carniolan [st] (cf. Standard
Slovene [sit]). It is true, of course, that unstressed syllables share with short vowels the
property that they are the shorter of two sets of vowels in the system, and hence both may
be subject to similar pressures. But they differ in important respects as well, perhaps most
importantly in that unconditioned mergers in the short (or long) vowel inventories are not
examples of positional neutralization. They take place across the boards, regardless of the
structural position in which they are located. In positional neutralization systems such as
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