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Positional Neutralization - Linguistics - University of California ...

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All these cases, while not in fact instances <strong>of</strong> the development <strong>of</strong> full-blown<br />

word-domain vowel harmony systems from earlier non-harmonizing reduction systems,<br />

nonetheless suggest there is something to the reduction-then-assimilation hypothesis.<br />

There are a number <strong>of</strong> reasons, however, why in the cases at hand, such an origin for<br />

harmony is implausible. First, Proto-Turkic is generally reconstructed with some system<br />

<strong>of</strong> palatal harmony already in place. Assuming that it is correct to reconstruct initial stress<br />

(rather than just phonetic initial strengthening) for Proto-Turkic, it is necessary to bear in<br />

mind that fixed-stress systems are not generally strongly duration-cued and non-duration-<br />

cued stress-systems rarely generate robust patterns <strong>of</strong> phonological vowel reduction. A<br />

glance across the prosodic systems <strong>of</strong> the Slavic languages illustrates this point well on a<br />

smaller scale: Czech, Polish, Serbo-Croatian, Standard Macedonian with no duration-<br />

cued lexical stress and no phonological vowel reduction, alongside Russian, Belorussian,<br />

Bulgarian and Macedonian dialects with duration-cued phonemic stress and phonological<br />

vowel reduction, to name only the best known cases. For the reduction-first<br />

generalization to be correct for Turkic then, Pre-Proto-Turkic must have been a<br />

counterexample to this generalization. Specifically, it would have had to develop a vowel<br />

reduction system sufficiently sweeping in nature to give rise to the attested harmony<br />

system, and to do so in a system with fixed, non-duration-cued stress. Alternatively, one<br />

might imagine that Turkic fixed stress was at one point duration-cued and later changed.<br />

327

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