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Positional Neutralization - Linguistics - University of California ...

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Crosswhite notes, importantly, that it is not always possible to tell a prominence-<br />

reducing UVR system from a contrast-enhancing system on the surface. Many <strong>of</strong> their<br />

effects can be the same; for instance, both systems disfavor, and have a tendency to<br />

eliminate, mid vowels. Contrast enhancement does so because they are non-peripheral,<br />

and hence less perceptually robust, and prominence reduction does so because they are<br />

fairly sonorous. As noted, in a comparison <strong>of</strong> Belorussian and Bulgarian, the only<br />

diagnostic for the underlying formal nature and phonetic motivation for the vowel<br />

reduction pattern instantiated in each is the presence or absence <strong>of</strong> schwa. This for<br />

Crosswhite is a shibboleth. Schwa is extremely low in sonority, making it good for<br />

prominence reduction. That Bulgarian UVR produces a schwa means that it is<br />

prominence-reducing. Schwa, on the other hand, is no good for contrast enhancement,<br />

which favors peripheral vowels. The fact that Belorussian has [a] in unstressed syllables<br />

therefore means that it is contrast-enhancing.<br />

That the one system raises mid vowels and the other lowers them is irrelevant,<br />

since in both UVR types either pattern can be generated by simple reranking <strong>of</strong><br />

Faithfulness constraints. A system with raising <strong>of</strong> mid vowels and no raising <strong>of</strong> the low<br />

vowel, however, would be completely ambiguous, since reduction <strong>of</strong> /a/ to schwa can<br />

actually be blocked in a prominence-reducing system by ranking the relevant Faithfulness<br />

constraints (Max [+low]) above even *Unstressed/a. The possibility <strong>of</strong> such cases in<br />

82

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