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Positional Neutralization - Linguistics - University of California ...

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nasal consonant, and the vowel remains nasal. Several other suffixes have already come<br />

to restore the nasal only optionally. In Bare (Northern Arawak, Aikhenvald 1996),<br />

nasalization again only occurs on final vowels. Nasalized vowels are underlying in only<br />

two forms <strong>of</strong> Aikhenvald’s corpus, while all the others are derived from the truncation <strong>of</strong><br />

forms ending in any <strong>of</strong> several suffixes <strong>of</strong> the general shape /-nV/. The deletion leads to<br />

nasalization <strong>of</strong> the word-final vowel. Interestingly, this truncation takes place only non-<br />

prepausally, where before pause, in another instance <strong>of</strong> domain-final resistance to<br />

deletion, the suffix remains intact. In these examples, nothing about the phonetics <strong>of</strong> final<br />

position is “licensing” the appearance <strong>of</strong> a contrast between nasal and oral vowels. The<br />

phonetic characteristics (here, detrimental) have clearly caused the emergence <strong>of</strong> the<br />

contrast, but can hardly be imagined to facilitate in any active way in the present. The<br />

contrast exists here, then, only because it came to exist here, and because it has so far<br />

avoided being effaced by the perceptual weakness <strong>of</strong> the position.<br />

3.6.5. Final vowel reduction and loss <strong>of</strong> contrasts<br />

3.6.5.1. Lowering<br />

I turn back now to the question which began this section on final weakness, the<br />

question as to whether domain-final positions are in some cases singled out as positions<br />

<strong>of</strong> particularly evident phonetic weakening, eventually yielding loss <strong>of</strong> vowel contrasts.<br />

241

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