Positional Neutralization - Linguistics - University of California ...

eanalyzed as a pattern of intentional nasalization in final position. In this scenario the
rise of nasalization would not depend on the state of the velum in the original utterance
(though again, nor would it exclude the presence of some degree of velic lowering there).
Evidence for rhinoglottophilia as a possible source for phrase-final nasalization is found
in the following: Isthmus Veracruz Nahuat (Wolgemuth 1969) has already been shown in
the preceding section to have two variant realizations of its prepausal glottal stop
insertion process. The first is simply a glottal constriction of some magnitude, as in (33a)
below. The second, (33b), is described as glottal closure with an ‘h’-like release. There is,
however, a third variant, as in (33c) which Wolgemuth describes as voicing continuing
past a glottal closure, after which a brief nasal re-articulation of the vowel is heard. This
variant is apparently especially common in emphatic circumstances, such as repetition of
something a linguistic fieldworker fails to hear correctly the first time.
(33) Variants of prepausal glottal stop in Isthmus Veracruz Nahuat (Wolgemuth 1969)
a. [kisa] ‘he leaves’ [mo:to] ‘squirrel’
b. [kisah] [mo:toh]
c. [kisaa] [mo:too]
Even stronger evidence for the rhinoglottophiliac origin of at least some instances of
phrase-final nasalization comes from Yucuna (Arawakan, Schauer and Schauer 1967). In
this language final vowels are nasalized only following /h/ or hiatus (a situation
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