Positional Neutralization - Linguistics - University of California ...

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ex. tlze 'moon' -> tlzste 'in the moon' (inessive) ludo 'reader' -> ludn 'reader's' (genitive) pørttø 'in the house' -> pørttø 'in his house' Conditions: Described as categorical, affecting all word-final vowels. Varies greatly across dialects. f. Uyghur (Turkic) (Hahn 1991) Inventory: /i, y, e, œ, æ, , a, o, u/ 63 Reduction: Low, short vowels in non-initial open syllables are raised to [i] Resistance: Applies only to non-prepausal word-final vowels (Hahn 1991: 52). Conditions: Applies categorically within words but is rate-dependent across word boundaries. g. Central Eastern Catalan (Romance)(Recasens 1991) Inventory: /i, e, , a, , o, u/ Reduction:Unstressed syllables - /e, , a/ -> [] /u, o / -> [u] /i/ -> [i] Resistance: In a number of dialects in this area, e.g. Oden (transitional between Northeastern and Central eastern), word-final vowels are resistant to the elimination of oppositions associated with unstressed syllables (Recasens 1991: 111) 63 // and /i/, analyzed as independent phonemes, in fact share the same surface realizations, differing only in the harmony pattern they condition (front or back). 146
h. English (Germanic)(Hammond 1997) Inventory: /i, , e, , æ, , , , o, , u/ Reduction: Unstressed word-internal preconsonantal syllables contain only [] 64 Unstressed word-internal prevocalic syllables contain [i, u, o, e] Final strength effects: Word-final open syllables show [i, u, o, ] i. Yakan (Austronesian: Philippines, SW Mindanao, Basilan Island) (Behrens 1975, Flemming 1993) Inventory: /i, e, a, o, u/ Reduction: Primary stress is penultimate, with secondaries on alternating syllables preceding. In unstressed syllables /a/ -> [e]. Resistance: In word-final open and closed syllables reduction does not take place (nor does it in pretonic syllables when the following syllable is also [a]). j. Maltese (Semitic)(Puech 1978) Harmony: In Standard Maltese and closely related dialects, there is a left-to-right rounding harmony which targets all short non-low vowels triggered by [o]. In Siggieha and Gozitan dialect, harmony affects vowels of all heights, affecting specifications for [back]. Resistance: While in some dialects suffix vowels only harmonize if they are in a final closed syllable (with no harmony taking place if additional syllables intervening between the stem and the word-final syllable, even if intervening syllables contain otherwise-eligible vowels), in no dialect do vowels in final open syllables ever harmonize. 65 , 64 Hammond’s analysis admits only one reduced vowel. 65 A possible explanation for this not involving final lengthening directly is that while synchronically all surface final vowels are short (phonologically), underlyingly they are all long. Maltese has undergone a common sound change (to be discussed below in 3.6 and 3.7), whereby long final vowels shorten and short final vowels are deleted. The original length of the remaining final vowels could have prevented their harmonization. Flemming (1993: 21) does not discuss harmony, but notes that final syllables closed and open are never subject to unstressed vowel deletion in Maltese, and attributes this resistance to final lengthening. This may ultimately be so, though I see two reasons for skepticism. First is the tendency for final closed syllables (indeed stronger than for internal closed syllables in some dialects), but not final open syllables, to undergo harmony, suggesting if anything decreased duration in final closed syllables. Another 147
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Positional Neutralization: A Phonol
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Abstract Positional Neutralization:
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Table of Contents Chapter 1. Introd
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3.6.3. Mixed Systems 224 3.6.4. Nas
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Acknowledgements The thanks I owe t
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Chapter 1. Introduction In this stu
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divorced from their phonetic origin
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neutralization such that some combi
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Pure Prominence advocates to assume
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1.1.1.1. Phonetic arbitrariness in
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1.1.2. Phonetically-driven Phonolog
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since it too brings the phonetic fo
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asymmetries are relatively unambigu
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crucial and common to all and adopt
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duration such as unstressed syllabl
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targets for F1). In environments su
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neutralized. Indeed, we would speak
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applying to a single phonological e
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(passim, but especially 1981 and 19
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will treat as the alteration or add
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lengthening, together potentially w
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through four. I conclude that the s
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sort demonstrated in Lindblom (1963
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predictable according to the phonol
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steady across UVR systems, the mapp
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inventories”, the only other opti
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direct result of the phonologizatio
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does not, therefore represent a leg
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question. The point is that the rel
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Another direction might explore the
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monomoraic and bimoraic vowels. Fro
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The preceding sections have shown t
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to perceptual proximity to one anot
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unstressed vowel (Crosswhite 2001:
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Bulgarian has six vowels in stresse
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elsewhere, depending on the informa
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Pettersson and Wood started their i
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discussed below in the context of R
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(known as ‘akanje’, ‘[a]-sayi
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neutralization occurring as a resul
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eduction of pretonic vowels as a si
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2.4. A UG-based approach to UVR typ
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formants to approach and enhance on
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Steriade in particular, in her semi
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emoval of “particularly loud and
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attract stress to sonorous vowels,
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which it is a priori impossible to
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Again, since the low vowel of preto
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If it is correct that, however, tha
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2.5.1. Facts Contemporary Standard
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compared to /a/, he writes that “
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tendency for domain-initial segment
Page 105 and 106: Each instance of the failure of red
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Page 117 and 118: story of articulatory approximation
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Page 121 and 122: unstressed /e/ toward [u], finally
Page 123 and 124: phonetic and phonological perspecti
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Page 131 and 132: elevant to the present study for th
Page 133 and 134: effect which is potentially univers
Page 135 and 136: word-final syllables. Still, the pr
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Page 139 and 140: their realizations, determined by b
Page 141 and 142: (17) Hausa medial short vowels a. [
Page 143 and 144: Penny (1969: 148-149) gives the vow
Page 145 and 146: To this we can add facts from neigh
Page 147 and 148: notion of umlaut or metaphony being
Page 149 and 150: dialects, Walker notes the differen
Page 151 and 152: position in the way that, e.g., ret
Page 153 and 154: is illustrative, but by no means ex
Page 155: d. Brazilian Portuguese (Romance) (
Page 159 and 160: hence subphonemic durational featur
Page 161 and 162: n. Timugon Murut (Austronesian, NE
Page 163 and 164: (underlying) long vowels 71 , and p
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Page 167 and 168: the ends of phrases. They hypothesi
Page 169 and 170: opposite pattern in both phonetic s
Page 171 and 172: With respect to the syllable-struct
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Page 179 and 180: asymmetry plays a role as well. In
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Page 183 and 184: internal unstressed syllables in th
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Page 189 and 190: unified phonologization scenario ac
Page 191 and 192: As for the non-high vowels in preto
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Page 197 and 198: schwa in normal speech (1993: 38).
Page 199 and 200: environment, deriving a number of d
Page 201 and 202: are responsible for the phonologica
Page 203 and 204: section). A second generalization w
Page 205 and 206: latter case the same feature is imp
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well-known, for example, that short
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language Dasenech (Sasse 1976), wou
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Another possibility is that devoici
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contexts, however, h-epenthesis is
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supralaryngeal strengthening in thi
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inherently problematic from a produ
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lengthening in Dutch by Cambier-Lan
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contradictions this entails describ
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preceding consonants, etc.). It see
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Gordon and Ladefoged mention alloph
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In other words, the creak appears o
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phrase-final devoicing seems to be
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targeted, and hence realized as glo
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their common properties, restoring
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when following voiced consonants or
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(Brame 1972), and D’irayta (Haywa
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monolithic weakening environment. H
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Another study, in fact, that of Vas
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velic opening. There has been much
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The same pattern is found in anothe
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lengthening-plus-intrinsic-nasaliza
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commonly enough resolved with glott
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nasal consonant, and the vowel rema
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. Ongota (affiliation uncertain - C
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combination of phonetic strengtheni
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mentioned. Often deletion is preced
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f. Kandahari Pashto (Elfenbein 1997
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for some speakers of Brazilian Port
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discussion of devoicing, above, tha
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(36) Russian phrase-final [blot] 's
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drastically decreased, as an alread
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lengthening the latter parts of the
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Avoidance of length contrasts word-
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While the non-finality of stress ap
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points out the case of Luganda (Hym
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syllables are apparently required t
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with non-modal phonation or devoici
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3.7.2. Final short vowel avoidance
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generally between 95 and 125 in the
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e considered from a crosslinguistic
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Chapter 4. Initial Syllables Domain
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know of the relevant phonetic facts
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lengthening or lowering the sonorit
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asymmetries it carries, is what Smi
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phonological licensing in question
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eason to favor the one strategy ove
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Before turning to the attested case
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initial consonant serves to enhance
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existence of the former, and I will
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since the majority of phonological
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eduction to schwa in Russian and in
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assumption that in providing a comp
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initial and non-initial vowels from
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durational asymmetry was absent alt
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low mid vowels to become unpredicta
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of the typology of initial-syllable
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there could in principle be a phone
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ackness of non-initial vowels is ge
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fricatives, which in retrospect may
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(44) Mean vowel durations for Engli
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initial strengthening in languages
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Word-initial: U[Phr[istanbuldaki W[
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syllables than the other speakers.
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Concerning the language-specific na
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4.5.3. Consequences of domain-initi
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All these cases, while not in fact
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in chapter 2, however, among the un
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advice for teachers of non-standard
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Inkelas et al. (2001), building on
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demonstrated above, however, initia
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Assuming now that Vowels 1 and 2 in
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This account derives palatal vowel
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vowels in Luganda and Runyambo. Hub
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the UVR systems of Yakan, Timugon M
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4.6. Summary In this chapter I have
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why we find such systems in Turkic
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Chapter 5. Conclusions 5.1. Phonolo
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perfectly understandable in the pho
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as the durational asymmetries in qu
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model of phonetics-phonology incorp
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of effort necessary to reach a low
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(specified by Minimum Distance cons
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duration for /a/~/o/ in this positi
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unstressed syllables in a given lan
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patterns such as those treated in t
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References Abondolo, Daniel. 1998a.
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Balasubramanian, T. 1981. Duration
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Blevins, Juliette. 1993. A tonal an
Page 383 and 384:
Browman, Catherine P. and Louis Gol
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Chen, Matthew. 1973. Nasals and nas
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Dauer, Rebecca M. 1987. Phonetic an
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Farnetani, Edda and Shiro Kori. 199
Page 391 and 392:
Garrett, Andrew and Juliette Blevin
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Hayes, Bruce. 1997. Phonetically-dr
Page 395 and 396:
Hyde, Villiana. 1971. An introducti
Page 397 and 398:
Janiak, BronisΩawa. 1995. Polsko-U
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Keating, Patricia, Richard Wright a
Page 401 and 402:
Kroeger, Paul. 1992. Vowel harmony
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Liphola, Marcelino M. 2001. Aspects
Page 405 and 406:
Miller, Carolyn. 1993 Kadazan/Dusun
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Nord, Lennart. 1987. Acoustic studi
Page 409 and 410:
Penny, Ralph. 1986. Sandhi phenomen
Page 411 and 412:
Rietveld, A. C. M. and U. H. Frauen
Page 413 and 414:
Schuh, Russell G. and Lawan D. Yalw
Page 415 and 416:
Steriade, Donca. 2001. Directional
Page 417 and 418:
Tuttle, Siri. 2000. Duration, inton
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Wolgemuth, Carl. 1969. Isthmus Vera
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