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Positional Neutralization - Linguistics - University of California ...

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strengthened significantly, while vowels in domain-final closed syllables and vowels in<br />

domain-initial syllables with onsets undergo lengthening to a much lesser degree (or in<br />

the case <strong>of</strong> the latter, in fact, at least in English, do not do so at all. Again, see chapter 4).<br />

All this is not to say, <strong>of</strong> course, that Final Strength effects in both closed and open<br />

syllables could never arise in a system. Indeed, the fact that vowels in final closed<br />

syllables do lengthen, if perhaps somewhat less, suggests that the phonologization <strong>of</strong> non-<br />

reductions owing to the phonetic length in both syllable types should nonetheless be<br />

possible. From the phonetic point <strong>of</strong> view, we would merely expect such systems to be<br />

relatively less common, which is clearly the case. Ultimately, the durational asymmetry<br />

itself may be found only in certain languages, with other languages implementing final<br />

lengthening differently. One study by Berkovits (1993), in fact, <strong>of</strong> Israeli Hebrew,<br />

suggests precisely this. In this study Berkovits demonstrates that vowels in Hebrew<br />

undergo lengthening <strong>of</strong> equal magnitude in both closed and open final syllables. In both<br />

final and non-final contexts, however, the vowels in the open syllables are longer than the<br />

vowels in closed syllables by a mean 11 ms.<br />

While the phonetic features associated with final lengthening are clearly better<br />

suited to account for the patterning <strong>of</strong> Final Strength effects than an appeal to the<br />

psycholinguistic status <strong>of</strong> final syllables, I should emphasize that this does not necessarily<br />

mean that psycholinguistic status plays no role at all here. It is conceivable, for example,<br />

163

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